THE SQUADRONE.

that of their country. The chief of these were the Marquis of Tweedale, the Earls of Rothes, Roxburgh, Haddington, and Marchmont. They were in great credit; because they had no visible bias on their minds; and were called Ill usage had provoked them rather to oppose the Ministry, than to concur. When spoke to, they answered coldly, and with reserve; so that it was expected they would have concurred in the opposition; and, they being between twenty and thirty in number, if they had set themselves against the Union, the design must have miscarried. But they continued silent, till the first division of the House obliged them to declare; and then they not only joined in it, but promoted it effectually, and with zeal."

"There were great and long debates, managed on the side of the Union, for the ministry, by the Earls of Seafield and Stair: for the Squadrone," (whom the historian does not count amongst the ministerial ranks,)" by the Earls of Roxburgh and Marchmont';" (silly fellows, who had no assignable motive, but regard to their country,)" and against the measure, by the" (disinterested and loyal)," Dukes of Hamilton and Athol."

But, spite of the patriotic exertions of these two last noblemen, aided by the talent and wisdom of the Edinburgh mob,-spite of the motley array of party coalition against the measure,—and all that was said then, and is repeated now, of dignity, and independence, and liberties, and Constitution, parliamentary competence, and preponderance of English members in the common legislature,

"Quis talia fando,

Temperet a lacrymis !"

an Union was carried, or (in the insidious terms of Blackstone) was "happily effected," by the efforts of the Squadrone: a gratuitous band of traitors, who had no views of interest to excuse their conduct; nor any better reason for supporting the measure, than that it conduced to the wellbeing of their country; and was a sacrifice of the distinctness, to the prosperity of Scotland.-What worse could Irish Unionists have done, if the disinterested Anti-unionists had not frustrated their plans!

I admit that Scotland has thriven extremely since that period; has, in the commercial race, gained surprisingly on England: Time (from personal pique to the patriots of Scotland,) has maliciously contradicted the prophecies uttered by Lord Belhaven (in an access of political second-sight,) and has justified the tame proceedings of the Roxburghs and Marchmonts. But we must not hearken to the narratives of Time, upon the question. We must not doubt the patriotism of the Duke of Hamilton, the ignorance of Lord Somers, or weakness and profligacy of the Squadrone; since this might betray us into an oblique disparagement of the wisdom, constitutional knowledge, and disinterestedly public spirit, of some Anti-unionists of the present day.

I

Who evidently thought the Scottish Parliament competent to enact Union; contrary to the opinion of many Bar debaters, many Lawyers in our House of Commons, &c. &c.

But let me not deviate, even into irony, from that seriousness which suita the importance of my subject. Let me now conclude this appeal to the good sense of my countrymen: an appeal to the people; not from the opinion of their parliament; but from the dogmatic clamor of an interested multitude; which, whilst it bellows against Union, miscalls itself the public: an application to the virtuous inhabitants of Ireland, to obviate the practices of those, who are creating the ferment, which they impute to the proposal of this measure; and whetting popular resentment, as a weapon, for defending their private interest against the public weal.

Let all Patriots combine to defeat such mischievous intentions; and private ambition yield to the general good of Ireland.

Let the independent country gentlemen come forward. They can have no interests, which are distinct from those of Ireland. I do not call on them to support, but to investigate the merits of an Union: to stop short, before they reach a precipice, to which they may be hurried by their own proud feelings; and pushed by the insidious projects of the factious, and the selfish.

Let them not give ear to those misrepresentations, which state the inquiry to be, whether we should surrender our constitution? Would I basely consent to deliberate on such a question? I will appeal to my past conduct in Parliament for an answer. This, I venture to pronounce such, as will not shrink from examination; or be found to bear the traces of servility or faction.

The discussion is not, whether we shall surrender the liberties of this country. What Minister would dare propose such a question to Parliament, or to the Nation? The question is, whether Union may not so modify our Constitution, as to promote our prosperity, while it secures our freedom.

Whether it will not fortify that empire, of which Ireland makes a part: whose safety is menaced; and whose destruction we cannot survive.

Whether it may not silence internal jealousy, and dissension; establish our religion; yet conciliating the Catholics, consolidate our people.

Whether it may not both bestow commercial advantages, and enable us to use them and give us that respectable and industrious class of men, which is the boast of the sister country; and the want of ours.

Whether in allowing Ireland an efficient weight in the impotal councils, it will not still more secure us, by so inextricably entangling our interests with those of Britain, that all grudging policy, all narrow jealousy of Irish advancement, if it ever existed, must have an end.

Whether, by disarming separatists of those instruments, which they now possess, and thus rendering it impossible that our aggrandisement should be perverted, it will not make the obstruction of Irish greatness an obvious inury to Britain.

Whether the alternative of Union, or separation, is not offered to us, as

explicitly as we need wish; and whether we ought to hesitate as to which we would make choice of.

Whether separation from England be not subjection to France: (If so, let us turn our eyes upon the horrors, which disfigure that at once wretched, and formidable country; and shudder at the melancholy prospect which I have disclosed.)

Whether the objections which we hear urged so loudly against Union, are not such, as the conditions might obviate with ease; and which therefore are, for the present, premature.

Whether, if legislative incorporation tend to fortify the empire, Britain be not likely to purchase imperial strength, by ample and liberal concession, in point of terms.

Whether two legislatures, in one empire, do not tend to disunite; and whether experience has not alariningly reduced this theory to practice.

Whether the testimony of all, who oppose an Union, is so disinterested, as to deserve implicit credit.

Whether the example of Scotland has not proved that Faction: may vehemently oppose an Union; that Patriotism may vote for whatever sacrifice it involves, and finally, that Time may sanction such a measure; by shewing it to have become the basis of national prosperity.

Whether our situation is, or has been such, that some radical and tranquil change is not desirable.

Whether that distinct independence, which may mar imperial energy, is likely to be very real: or conscquently so precious, that it should not be resigned.

This I take to be some analysis of that complex question, which I recommend to the cool and honest consideration of every Irishman, who loves his country better than himself.

Let no man timidly suppress his opinion, to avoid exposing himself to an obloquy, which is but temporary and artificial.

Let him encounter willingly, as I do, an honorable unpopularity; by refusing to decide the question, which he has not yet discussed.

For my part, though deaf to clamor, and I hope unyielding to intimidation, I am open, and always shall be so, to reason. I shall ever prefer retracting, to persisting in an error.

My present opinion is, that Union would serve this country; if obtained on those fair terms, which I think would certainly be granted. I look upon it to be a measure, which, incorporating our distinctness, and thus far altering our government, will however,

"on change-Duration found :" 1

on a change of the modes and forms of the imperial establishment, will found

I Pope.

the permanence of our tranquillity; our connexion with Great Britain; our commerce, our liberties, and our Constitution.

Union forms my means; which I am ready to abandon, if any man will prove that they are ill chosen. My end, I solemnly declare, is the prosperity of my Country.

DUBLIN,

February, 1st, 1799.

W. SMITH.