hensions they entertained of the impolicy of the suspension of the navigation and colonial system, and the evil consequences which they contemplated would result from it. The motives which influenced their conduct were highly creditable to them; feeling the perilous situation of the country, they deemed it most prudent not to afford an opportunity to the turbulent and factious, to intermix the imaginary and unfounded grievances which, at that time, were brought forward to harrass and perplex government, with the strong and well grounded claim of the shipping interest to the attention of the legislature.'

In 1801-2 they availed themselves of the short interval of the peace of Amiens and applied to government, in Lord Sidmouth's administration, but without effect, and it was not until Mr. Pitt's return to power in 1804, that the ship-owners received the attention to which they were entitled; when the strongest assurances were given to them of an intention gradually to resume the former system; and of which no doubt could be entertained, from the measures actually taken during the latter part of his administration.2 It also appears that on the commencement of the late war, an order was issued in November, 1793, for a strict enforcement of the rule of 1756; a relaxation of which Mr. Pitt was most reluctantly prevailed upon to acquiesce in very soon afterwards; BUT SUBSEQUENT CIRCUMSTANCES HAD, IT IS WELL KNOWN, CONVINCED HIM MOST SATISFACTORILY OF THE INFINITE IMPORTANCE TO THE COUNTRY OF GETTING RID OF THAT RELAXATION AT THE EARLIEST OPPORTUNITY, AND OF RECURRING TO THE RULE ALLUDED TO. The death of this illustrious statesman damped the hopes of every one anxious to maintain and preserve the maritime preponderancy of Great Britain, it being evident from the opinions, openly promulgated by some (and afterwards adopted

I See Introduction to Collection of Reports and Papers on Navigation and Trade, edition 1807. p. 26.

2 Ibid. p. 22, 25. An attempt is made to render doubtful the truth of Mr. Pitt's intention to resume the old system, &c. Vide Mr. Baring's Examination, p. 7. Were it necessary in a work of this nature to go into proofs of the political opinions of a deceased minister, very satisfactory evidence can be adduced that more than one of his Majesty's late ministers were satisfied of the alteration which had taken place in Mr. Pitt's sentiments on this subject, and in further corroboration of these posthumous opinions, as they are now called, of that great statesman, it is only necessary to refer to the minutes of the Colonial Office, and the Board of Trade, during Mr. Pitt's last administration, and to some of the printed papers laid before parliament in the spring of 1806.

3 See Lord Sheffield's speech, the 12th of May, 1806, on the American Intercourse Bill: his Lordship said he had always serious apprehensions respecting the loose opinions which were so often delivered on these subjects.

by all) of his successors, they were determined to adhere to the system of suspension, notwithstanding the injurious consequences which had previously resulted from it, and the depression they would ultimately produce on the naval power of the country.

These explanatory observations, whilst they exculpate the shipping interest from the charge of having attempted to impose on parlia ment, and of factious' conduct in their opposition to the American Intercourse Bill, will, it is trusted, counteract the illiberal attempts to prejudice their character and reputation: experience has shown, that although the shipping interest, in a crisis like the present, forbear to press on the government of the country their claim of attention to their particular case; it is not to be doubted, but that under more favorable circumstances, they will avail themselves of every constitutional means to induce the legislature to adopt such measures as will protect their property from the ruin which will await it, if the maritime rights of the country continue to be sacrificed and abandoned to the theoretic speculations, and new-fangled philosophy of the modern economists; who, by their timidity and empiricism, have encouraged in neutral powers an insatiate cupidity to demand further concessions; 2 and thus have brought upon the nation many of those difficulties and embarrassments in which it is now placed. For, as Dr. Johnson has truly remarked, "to make concessions is to encourage encroachments."

The persevering efforts of the American party in this country, who call for a revision, or rather for an abrogation of our navigation and colonial system, and boldly proclaim, that the only remedy which promises some permanent and much temporary relief to the British West-India planters, is to open the ports generally to neutrals;3 must be obvious to every one who has viewed with attention and impartiality, the mild and conciliatory conduct of Great Britain towards America.

Not content with the powerful influence which they have unfortunately obtained, their endeavours appear to be directed to But his alarm had become extreme since he had heard a noble Lord (Grenville) distinguished for his great abilities and information, to whom neither levity nor imprudence could be imputed, hold a language, which appeared to him intended to prepare us, in consequence of the change of times and things, for a relinquishment of the most essential parts of our navigation and colonial system."

Also see Mr. Fox's speech on the same bill, on the 22nd of May, 1806. "I have no difficulty in saying, that in my opinion the course should always be, in time of war at least, such as is proposed by this bill to make it, and I am not sure that it may not be necessary also in time of peace! "

Edinburgh Review, &c.

2 Cobbett's Political Register, 13 vol. p. 427.

3 Mr. Baring's Examination, p. 167..

mislead the public mind on many important points; or to what other motive can the following assertion be attributed, unless it is intended to encourage the, prejudices of a few individuals in the British West-India colonies, whose conduct conduces to a belief that their attachment to the mother country is not so strong as their regard for the United States? "At present, by the most absurd policy, our planters are prevented from paying for the large amount of provisions and supplies from America, by a return of their own produce, which would willingly be received, because the whole of it must go to the mother country, where it can only sell at a loss." Though by the 28th Geo. III. c. 6. sugar, molasses, coffee, cocoa-nuts, ginger, and pimento, are permitted to be exported from the British West India Islands to the United States, in British-built ships. It is apprehended by the shipping interest, in case sugar and molasses are not allowed to be used in the distilleries, that every exertion will be made to obtain permission to export from the British West India Islands to the United States in American bottoms, sugar and other colonial produce. If such an infraction of the colonial system should take place, it cannot fail to produce the most lamentable consequences, and extend the means relied on by France for annihilating the maritime power of Great Britain.

Thus the principles and views of the advocates of the new system become apparent; for though in other parts of this work, it is (but seemingly with reluctance) admitted, "that the policy of favoring our own shipping, cannot be doubted;" yet there pervades throughout the whole of this examination of the conduct of Great Britain towards America, so strong a disposition to depreciate and lessen the just popularity with which the recent energetic measures of the present administration have been received throughout the country, that little doubt can be entertained, that such is the real object of the publication. If, fortunately, these measures are not relaxed, but are adhered to and enforced, it being evident, " His Majesty cannot otherwise get out of the war with safety," the people may anticipate a successful termination of it; for on that depends the MARITIME power of GREAT BRITAIN, which constitutes at present the only barrier to universal despotism and misery, and

' Mr. Baring's Examination, p. 168,

2 Reeves's History of Shipping and Navigation, 2nd edit. p. 271, 272. 3 Mr. Baring's Examination, p. 167.

4 See the Antijacobin Review for February, 1808, p. 204, for some very patriotic observations on this subject.-"The king who makes war on his enemies tenderly, distresses his own subjects most cruelly." Dr. JOHNSON.

on which the nation must rely for the continuance of its liberties and independence.

"Qui mare teneat, eum necesse rerum potiri."

"On the right of Great Britain to issue such instructions for regulating, as in point of fact they do, the navigation of the sea, and the policy of issuing them, it is unnecessary here to expatiate. The principles which justify retaliation on the enemy by measures which, though in their operation injurious to neutrals, are still obvious necessary measures of self-defence, are clear and unequivocal. The conviction on the public mind (a conviction which has preceded, and will not be lessened by the discussions in parliament), affords the grateful pledge, that the nation will patiently await the result of the system adopted by ministers, in conformity with principles avowed and partially acted on by their predecessors. The same just sense of the necessity of recurring to adequate means of defence and preservation, which induced the latter, at the end of ' 1806, to reserve the right of acting in a way that must necessarily be injurious to neutral commerce, abundantly justify their successors, under circumstances no less imperious,' in carrying that right into effect." Let them persist then in their honorable course, and they may be assured the rational part of the community will continue to support them in their most laudable efforts; for though difficulties may attend the practical operation of the orders of council, the energy and activity which suggested their adoption, will find means to facilitate their progress; and from them, as well as from any great public measure, founded on sound principles, many collateral advantages not originally foreseen, may be expected to arise.

2

"The decrees of the lords of the ocean may be unjust and oppressive, but they are still mild, when contrasted with the mere sic volo, which would issue from the court of the universal sovereign of both elements." Mr. BARING, p. 119.

"We are the Neptunes of the ocean,

And such as traffic shall pay sacrifice
Of their best lading;"-

MASSINGER.

"Lords of the world's great waste, the ocean, we
Whole forests send to reign upon the sea;

And ev'ry coast may trouble, or relieve:
But none can visit us without your leave."

WALLER'S Panegyric on Cromwell.

"Despairing Gaul her boiling youth restrains,
Dissolv'd her dream of universal sway;

The winds and seas are BRITAIN'S wide domain;

And not a sail, but by permission, spreads." THOMSON'S Liberty.

* Sir F. M. Eden on Maritime Rights.

Experience has shown that the former increase of British shipping was to be ascribed to the navigation system, which strikingly appeared in the application of it to the trade of the United States. When these countries were part of our plantations, a great proportion of their produce was transported to Great Britain, and the British West India Islands, in American vessels; they had likewise a share in the freight of colonial produce from those islands to Great Britain; and they annually built many ships which were employed in the British carrying trade. But after the independence of these states, and their ships had been excluded from our plantation trade, and that trade was wholly confined to British built ships; we not only gained that part of our carrying trade from which they were so excluded, but we moreover enjoyed a considerable portion of the carriage of the produce of the United States. The policy of this system, which has excited the admiration of friends and foes, and drawn forth the praises of the most opposite characters, becomes every day more obvious, and the public cannot fail to be alarmed at the great decrease of British built ships, from whatever cause it proceeds. To trace the evil to its source was the object of the Society of Ship Owners of Great Britain when they petitioned the legislature in 1802, during Lord Sidmouth's administration, to institute an enquiry on the subject. Many of the writers of the present day, seem to forget, that this system was not intended, in the first instance, to promote trade, but to increase the naval strength of the kingdom; and afterwards as a secondary consideration, its provisions were directed to the former object; in consequence of which both of them were happily attained, and continued in a progressive state of improvement and increase, until the suspending system was introduced: its ruinous effects soon began to be observed and felt; and latterly the shipping of Great Britain have decreased more rapidly than they ever increased, whilst a proportionate depression has been felt in every branch of trade connected with shipping.

In confirmation of these observations, and to preclude in future all doubt of their truth and accuracy, it is only necessary to recite the petition from the merchants of London, which was presented by Mr. Manning, on the 20th of February, 1807, to the House of Commons.

Smith, Brougham, Hauterive, and Gentz. 2 See the Votes for first session of 1807.