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notwithstanding the calculations that we have sixty millions of acres of land, and that a good acre of wheat will feed three men, and a good acre of potatoes will feed six men, and all the rest of it. At this rate, if we chose to keep no domestic animals or cattle, and live on wheat, we might feed all Europe, or, if on potatoes, we could afford to allow North America and Africa also to join us as perpetual visitors. But however things may appear in theory, the fact seems to be, that although farmers are not, in the general, bad managers (though there is a vast difference), we are an importing country, and must continue increasingly to be so, if our population increase, as it seems likely to do. Now if such regulations as these were acted on, we should be able to give the farmer the present high prices for food, and draw largely of food and raw material from other countries also, paying them in our manufactures, and thus further increasing our employment and our wealth. These principles and practices would spread abundance through the land in a greater ratio and in a more useful manner
than we have ever seen; but greater far, and more to be desired, would be the wonderful promotion thereby of national honour and happiness, under the blessing of DIVINE PROVIDENCE. And although the exciting motive for these remarks is the glory of God, in the mutual love of mankind, through HIM, still, if any think little of this, yet see that these sentiments, if acted on, would exceedingly raise what is called the glory of the country, it is hoped that the motive of the writer would not contemn it in the eyes of those, but that they would meet the subject on what they might consider its own merits.
How vast a field opens before the contemplative mind, in reflecting, that perhaps nine-tenths of the injustice and cruelty practised by Englishmen on Englishmen might be thwarted and prevented; that nine-tenths of the crime might be nipped in the bud, and a good branch ingrafted instead of that which is thus continually sinking the offenders deeper and deeper away from the ONLY SOURCE OF GOOD. Let none cloak their carelessness, or indolence, by cutting this matter short, with the
stale declaration that there always has been poverty and distress, and there always will; for there is no one who is blessed with any near approach towards mediocrity of talent, but, if he did his best, would find it almost constantly in his power, by example and advice, to raise the tone of honour in those who come in contact with him; and it is impossible to do good to others, from a right motive, without increasing our own happiness. And although it would be too much to indulge the expectation that these sentiments will be, for many years, adopted, to such an extent, yet, were they fully adopted, these fruits would be found; and further, all approaches towards such conduct, in government or people, would realize its share of benefit.
GRIEVANCES OF THE PRESENT CRIMINAL
OF ENGLAND; WITH AN INQUIRY INTO THE POSSIBILITY OF AMENDMENT; MORE ESPECIALLY IN THOSE LAWS, AND APPLICATIONS OF LAW, WHICH OPERATE ΤΟ THE PROMOTION OF CRIME.
WHEN reflecting Englishmen contemplate the improvement of our criminal jurisprudence, either in its laws or their application, no soundness appears whereon to rest their weary and disgusted minds, except the jury system. Is not the rest a vortex of deceit and fraud? Insuperable difficulties arise in even the contemplation of digging into the rubbish of our legal institutions, for there is an unfathomable quagmire beneath, which would shake down any honest superstructure
bottomed on such principles, or rather utter absence of all right principle. No! if England wish to have good laws, let her turn her back on every atom of the present, except the juries and the judges: take the rock of honest rationality and simple justice, of which, be it remembered, a tendency to mercy and good-will forms an eternal and integral part; and build thereon a structure, whose beauty will consist in simple truth, and its value in honest, practical, and prompt usefulness, and the nation will cling to the valuable boon; so that all the nonsense, quibbles, and oppression of the old system will vanish as a dream.
Does not every discerning mind, that is not smothered with legal sophistry, observe, that nine out of ten evasions of justice arise out of legal quibbles, in one stage or other which opportunities for quibbling possess, generally, no use, and seldom - even the rational semblance of use?
The difficulties then, in framing good laws, are not generally real, integral difficulties; but collateral, foreign, needless; so if a man,