thing with his clergy in advancement of the Pope and his desires. This we cannot believe that he will do.'1

The meaning of this letter lies upon the surface. If the European powers were determined to leave him no alternative, the King was prepared to ally himself with the Lutherans. But however he might profess to desire that alliance, it was evident that he would prefer, if possible, a less extreme resource. The Pope had ceased to be an object of concern to him; but he could not contemplate, without extreme unwillingness, a separation from the orderly Governments who professed the Catholic faith. The Pope had injured him; Francis had deceived him; they had tempted his patience because they knew his disposition. The limit of endurance had been reached at length; yet, on the verge of the concluding rupture, he turned once more, as if to offer a last opportunity of peace.

The reply of Francis was an immediate mission of the Bishop of Bayonne (now Bishop of Paris), first into England, and from England to Rome, where he was to endeavour, to the best of his ability, to seam together the already gaping rent in the Church with fair words —a hopeless task-the results of which, however, were unexpectedly considerable, as will be presently seen.

Meanwhile, on the side of Flanders, the atmosphere was dubious and menacing. The refugee friars, who were reported to be well supplied with money from England, were labouring to exasperate the people,

1 Henry VIII. to Sir John Wallop: State Papers, vol. vii. p. 524

Father Peto especially distinguishing himself upon this service. The English ambassador, Sir John Hacket, still remained at Brussels, and the two Governments were formally at peace; but when Hacket required the Queen-regent to forbid the publication of the brief of July in the Netherlands, he was met with a positive refusal. M. Ambassador,' she said, 'the Emperor, the King of Hungary, the Queen of France, the King of Portugal, and I, understand what are the rights of our aunt-our duty is to her-and such letters of the Pope as come hither in her favour we shall obey. Your master has no right to complain either of the Emperor or of myself, if we support our aunt in a just cause.' 2 At the same time, formal complaints were made by Charles of the personal treatment of Queen Catherine, and the clouds appeared to be gathering for a storm. Yet here, too, there was an evident shrinking from extremities. A Welsh gentleman had been at Brussels, to offer his services against Henry, and had met with apparent coldness. Sir John Hacket wrote, on the 15th of December, that he was assured by

Dec. 15.

Stephen Vaughan to Crom- | Would God I could get him by any well: State Papers, vol. vii. p. 517. policy-I will work what I can. Vaughan describes Peto with Shake- Be sure he shall do nothing, nor spearian raciness:- Peto is an ipo- pretend to do nothing, in these parts, crite knave, as the most part of his that I will not find means to cause brethren be; a wolf; a tiger clad in the King's Highness to know. I a sheep's skin. It is a perilous have laid a bait for him. He is not knave a raiser of sedition-an evil able to wear the clokys and cucullys reporter of the King's Highness-a that be sent him out of England, prophecyer of mischief-a fellow I they be so many.' would wish to be in the King's hands, and to be shamefully punished.

2 Hacket to Henry VIII.: State Papers, vol. vii. p. 528.

well-informed persons, that so long as Charles lived, he would never be the first to begin a war with England, 'which would rebound to the destruction of the Low Countries. A week later, when the Queen

Dec. 23.

2

regent was suffering from an alarming illness, he said it was reported that, should she die, Catherine or Mary, if either of them was allowed to leave England, would be held meet to have governance of the Low Countries. This was a generous step, if the Emperor seriously contemplated it. The failure of the Nun of Kent had perhaps taught him that there was no present prospect of a successful insurrection. In his conduct towards England, he was seemingly governing himself by the prospect which might open for a successful attack upon it. If occasion offered to strike the Government in connection with an efficient Catholic party in the nation itself, he would not fail to avail himself of it." Otherwise, he would perhaps content himself with an attitude of inactive menace; unless menaced himself by a Protestant confederation.

Amidst these uneasy symptoms at home and abroad, Parliament re-assembled on the 15th of January. It was a changed England since these

Jan. 15.

'Hacket to Henry VIII.: State | upon the coasts of the sea as the Papers, vol. vii. p. 530. frontiers foreanenst Scotland.' The

Papers, vol. vii. p. 531.

2 Hacket to Cromwell: State fortresses and havens were to be 'fortefyed and munited; ' and money to be sent to York to be in readiness 'if any business should happen.”— Ibid. vol. i. p. 411.

3 So at least Henry supposed, if we may judge by the resolutions of the council for the fortification of all the frontiers of the realm, as well

men first came together on the fall of Wolsey. Season after season had been spent in clipping the roots of the old tree which had overshadowed them for centuries. On their present meeting they were to finish their work, and lay it prostrate for ever. Negotiations were still pending with the See of Rome, and this momentous session had closed before the final catastrophe. The measures which were passed in the course of it are not, therefore, to be looked upon as adopted hastily, in a spirit of retaliation, but as the consistent accomplishment of a course which had been deliberately adopted, to reverse the positions of the civil and spiritual authority within the realm, and to withdraw the realm itself from all dependence on a foreign

power.

The Annates and Firstfruits' Bill had not yet received the royal assent; but the Pope had refused to grant the bulls for bishops recently appointed, and he was no longer to receive payment for services which he refused to render. Peter's pence were still paid, and might continue to be paid, if the Pope would recollect himself; but, like the Sibyl of Cuma, Henry destroyed some fresh privilege with each delay of justice, demanding the same price for the preservation of what remained. The secondary streams of tribute now only remained to the Roman See; and communion with the English Church, which it was for Clement to accept or refuse.

The circumstances under which the session opened were, however, grave and saddening.

VOL. II.

6

January.

Simultaneously with the concluding legislation on the Church, the succession to the throne was to be determined in terms which might, perhaps, be accepted as a declaration of war by the Emperor; and the affair of the Nun of Kent had rendered necessary an inquiry into the conduct of honoured members of the two Houses, who were lying under the shadow of high treason. The conditions were for the first time to be plainly seen under which the Reformation was to fight its way. The road which lay before it was beset not merely with external obstacles, which a strong will and a strong hand could crush, but with the phantoms of dying faiths, which haunted the hearts of all living men; the superstitions, the prejudices, the hopes, the fears, the passions, which swayed stormily and fitfully through the minds of every actor in the great drama.

The uniformity of action in the Parliament of 1529, during the seven years which it continued, is due to the one man who saw his way distinctly, Thomas Cromwell. The nation was substantially united on the divorce question, could the divorce be secured without a rupture with the European powers. It was united also on the necessity of limiting the jurisdiction of the clergy, and cutting short the powers of the consistory courts. in questions of 'opinion' there was the most sensitive jealousy; and from the combined instincts of prejudice and conservatism, the majority of the country in a count of heads would undoubtedly have been against a separation from Rome.

But

The clergy professed to approve the acts of the Go