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This form of discontent found its exponent in CH. 6. John Wycliffe, the great forerunner of the Refor- A.D. 1360.

Wycliffe.

mation, whose austere figure stands out above the John
crowd of figures in English history, with an out-
line not unlike that of another forerunner of a
greater change.

career.

The early life of Wycliffe is obscure. Lewis, His early on the authority of Leland,* says that he was born near Richmond, in Yorkshire. Fuller, though with some hesitation, prefers Durham.† He emerges into distinct notice in 1360, ten years subsequent to the passing of the first Statute of Provisors, having then acquired a great Oxford reputation as a lecturer in divinity, and having earned for himself powerful friends and powerful enemies. He had made his name distinguished by attacks upon the clergy for their indolence and profligacy: attacks both written and orally delivered those written, we observe, being written in English, not in Latin. In 1365, Islip, Archbishop of Canterbury, appointed him Warden of Canterbury Hall; the appointment, however, was made with some irregularity, and the following year, Archbishop Islip dying, his successor, Langham, deprived Wycliffe, and the sentence was confirmed by the king. It seemed, nevertheless, that no personal reflection was intended by this decision, for Edward III. nomi

*LEWIS, Life of Wycliffe. + If such scientia media might be allowed to man, which is beneath certainty and above conjecture, such should I call our persuasion that he was born in

Durham.-FULLER'S Worthies,
vol. i. p. 479.

The Last Age of the Church
was written in 1356. See LEWIS,
p. 3.

CH. 6. nated the ex-warden one of his chaplains immeA.D. 1360 diately after, and employed him on an important mission to Bruges, where a conference on the benefice question was to be held with a papal

1377.

of his life

commission.

Other church preferment was subsequently given to Wycliffe; but Oxford remained the chief scene of his work. He continued to hold his professorship of divinity; and from this office the character of his history took its complexion. At a time when books were rare and difficult to be procured, lecturers who had truth to communicate fresh drawn from the fountain, held an influence which in these days it is as difficult to imagine as, however, it is impossible to overrate. Students from all Europe flocked to the feet of a great professor, and he became the leader of a party by the mere fact of his position.

The burden of Wycliffe's teaching was the exposure of the indolent fictions which passed under the name of religion in the established Simplicity theory of the church. He was a man of most and habits. simple life; austere in appearance, with bare feet and russet mantle.* As a soldier of Christ, he saw in his Great Master and his Apostles the patterns whom he was bound to imitate. By the contagion of example he gathered about him other men who thought as he did; and gradually, The poor under his captaincy, these 'poor priests,' as they were called-vowed to poverty because Christ was poor-vowed to accept no benefice, lest they

priests.

* LELAND.

trines.

should misspend the property of the poor, and CH. 6. because, as apostles, they were bound to go A.D. 1377. where their Master called them,* spread out over the country as an army of missionaries, to preach the faith which they found in the Bible-to His docpreach, not of relics and of indulgences, but of repentance and of the grace of God. They The transcarried with them copies of the Bible which the Bible. Wycliffe had translated, leaving here and there, as they travelled, their costly treasures, as shining seed points of light; and they refused to recognise the authority of the bishops, or their right to silence them.

lation of

If this had been all, and perhaps if Edward III. had been succeeded by a prince less miserably incapable than his grandson Richard, Wycliffe might have made good his ground; the movement of the parliament against the pope might have united in a common stream with the spiritual move against the church at home, and the Reformation have been antedated by a century. He was summoned to answer for himself before the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1377. He appeared in court supported by the presence He is proof John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the eldest of John of Edward's surviving sons, and the authorities were unable to strike him behind so powerful a shield.

But the poor priests' had other doctrines besides those which they discovered in the Bible, relating to subjects with which, as apostles, they would have done better if they had shrunk from

*LEWIS, p. 287.

tected by

Gaunt.

Theory

that the

right to

clergy of

their pro

perty.

CH. 6. meddling. The inefficiency of the clergy was A.D. 1378. occasioned, as Wycliffe thought, by their wealth and by their luxury. He desired to save them laity had a from a temptation too heavy for them to bear, deprive the and he insisted that by neglect of duty all their wealth had been forfeited, and that it was the business of the laity to take it from its unworthy possessors. The invectives with which the argument was accompanied produced a widely-spread irritation. The reins of the country fell simultaneously into the weak hands of Richard II., and the consequence was a rapid spread of disorder. In the In the year which followed Richard's accession, consistory judges were assaulted in their courts, sanctuaries were violated, priests were attacked and ill-treated in church, churchyard, and cathedral, and even while engaged in the mass;* the contagion of the growing anarchy seems to have touched even Wycliffe himself, and Tendencies touched him in a point most deeply dangerous. His theory of property, and his study of the character of Christ, had led him to the Theory of near confines of Anabaptism. Expanding his the tenure views upon the estates of the church into an

to ana

baptism.

of property.

axiom, he taught that charters of perpetual inheritance were impossible;' 'that God could not give men civil possessions for ever;'† 'that property was founded in grace, and derived from God;' and 'seeing that forfeiture was the punishment of treason, and all sin was treason

1 Ric. II. cap. 13.
† WALSINGHAM, 206-7, apud
LINGARD. It is to be observed,
however, that Wycliffe himself

limited his arguments strictly to the property of the clergy. See MILMAN'S History of Latin Christianity, vol. v. p. 508.

insurrec

against God, the sinner must consequently forfeit CH. 6. all right to what he held of God.' These pro- A.D. 1381. positions were nakedly true, as we shall most of us allow; but God has his own methods of enforcing extreme principles; and human legislation may only meddle with them at its peril. The theory as an abstraction could be represented as applying equally to the laity as to the clergy, and the new teaching received a practical comment in 1381, in the invasion of London by Wat, the tyler of Dartford, and 100,000 men, Wat Tyler's who were to level all ranks, put down the church, tion. and establish universal liberty.* Two priests accompanied the insurgents, not Wycliffe's followers, but the licentious counterfeits of them, who trod inevitably in their footsteps, and were as inevitably countenanced by their doctrines. The insurrection was attended with the bloodshed, destruction, and ferocity natural to such outbreaks. The Archbishop of Canterbury and many gentlemen were murdered; and a great part of London sacked and burnt. It would be absurd to attribute this disaster to Wycliffe, nor was there any desire to hold him responsible for it; but it is equally certain that the doctrines A miswhich he had taught were incompatible, at that comment particular time, with an effective repression of liffe's the spirit which had caused the explosion. It is teaching. equally certain that he had brought discredit on his nobler efforts by ambiguous language on a subject of the utmost difficulty, and had taught

VOL. II.

*WALSINGHAM, p. 275, apud LINGARD.

с

chievous

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