To this

purposes were not such as had been openly avowed. plan no party at first was favorably disposed, but upon further reflection or explanation, the friends of the Minister agreed to its support. 52 It was finally adopted by a large majority. Other conciliatory proposals which were offered, were rejected; the "restraining bills" were passed, and the determination of the colonists between the pacific proposal of the Minister, and the threatened coercive measures, was awaited. But it was thought important that means should be used for the prevention of union and concert of action in the colonies. Early in January a circular had been directed by Lord Dartmouth to the Governors of the several colonies, in which his Majesty's pleasure was signified, that every endeavour should be used to prevent the appointment of deputies to the Congress which was proposed to be held on the 10th of May. It was supposed or hoped that a defection of some of the colonies would take place. But this was not the case. In New Jersey the Assembly had been in advance of the Minister; delegates were appointed before the circular was received,33 and similar

22 The conciliatory plan provided "that when any colony should propose to make provision according to its condition and circumstances, for contributing its proportion for the common defence, to be raised under the authority of the General Court, or Assembly of such colony, and disposable by Parliament, and shall engage to make provision also for the support of civil government, and the administration of justice in such province or colony; it will be proper, if such proposal shall be approved by his Majesty in Parliament, and for so long as such provision shall be made accordingly, to forbear in respect to such colony to levy any duty, tax, or assessment, except only such duties as it may be expedient to levy or impose, for the regulation of commerce; the nett proceedings of the duties last mentioned, to be carried to the account of such colony respectively." The speciousness of this plan led many to suppose that important concessions were to be offered to America, and hence the high prerogative party loudly condemned it, and thought themselves betrayed by the Minister. But this opposition was quieted by closer examination, and by the ex, lanations that were made. It was represented by Lord North, or his confidants, that the plan would probably be rejected by most of the colonies, but would tend to disunite them; and the offer of such terms would also satisfy the people of England in regard to the course of the government.

The circular was written on the 4th of January, and on the 24th, as before stated, the former delegates were re-appointed.

appointments were made formally in each of the colonies. The grievances which had been complained of were not redressed, and before the time for the meeting arrived, others had been added. England had attempted to assert her claims by other means than her declarations and laws. The sword had been drawn at Lexington, and war, one of the greatest of earthly calamities, was brought upon the country. Under these circumstances the second General Congress convened.

CHAPTER XX.

THE SECOND CONTINENTAL CONGRESS.THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS OF NEW JERSEY.-CONSTITUTION OF NEW JERSEY.

THE Second General Congress convened on the 10th of May, 1775. They immediately entered upon decided action. A resolution was passed prohibiting all exportations to the neighbouring British colonies, or the fisheries on the coast. Another followed, that the colonies should directly be put in a state of defence. This was considered necessary in consequence of the actual commencement of hostilities in Massachusetts. That province was also advised, to consider the offices of Governor and Lieutenant Governor as vacant, and that a Council should be chosen by the Assembly to direct the government, until his Majesty should appoint a Governor to conduct affairs according to the charter. New York, where a body of troops was shortly expected, was advised to act on the defensive, so long as such a course could be safely maintained, but that they should not permit the erection of fortified works by the British, or the communication between town and country to be cut off. It was still resolved, that an humble and dutiful petition should be addressed to the King, asking that measures might be taken to accommodate the present unhappy disputes. The propriety of this step was much doubted by many, considering the direct rejection of previous petitions, but it was finally agreed to, as well as addresses to the people of England, of Ireland, and of the province of Quebec. In these, the attacks that had been made upon the colonies were repelled, their desire of peace upon just and constitutional grounds, was asserted, as well as their attachment to England, her laws, her people, and her King. But there was also a bold declaration of rights, and a strong vindication of former proceedings and designs.

Their final appeal was now made, and Congress proceeded to perfect the measures for the defence of the country, by making

provision for raising and organizing an army. On the 15th of June, George Washington was appointed General-in-Chief of the armies raised, or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty. To defray the necessary expenses, it was resolved that the sum of three millions of dollars should be issued in bills of credit, which sum was to be apportioned for sinking, among the several colonies, in the proportion of inhabitants, but the faith of the "Twelve United Colonies" was to be pledged for its redemption.'

On the 15th of May, 1775, the Assembly of New Jersey was convened by the Governor, for the purpose of considering the conciliatory plan of Lord North, which had been sent by a circular to the several colonies. It was recommended by the Governor in a long and elaborate address. He believed that the offers it contained were all that the colonists could justly demand or desire, and said that a happy opportunity was presented of getting rid of an unnatural contest, by only complying with an acknowledged duty. But the previous course of the Governor, had not been such as to favor his influence and argument. Under no circumstances, however, could these have prevailed with the House on the present occasion. It was perceived that the plan submitted to them, fell far short of the demands and rights of the people. In entering upon the subject, regret was expressed by the House, that as the Continental Congress was then sitting to consider the situation of affairs in America, the present meeting had not been deferred until the sense of that body should be known, as they supposed that no one would suspect them of an intention to aban

1Georgia had not yet become associated, but her accession took place in July, and the "Thirteen" then became united.

2 Beside the general course of the Governor, the attention of the House was called at this time to statements purporting to come from his Excellency, in relation to the previous action of the House. A copy of the "Parliamentary Register" was produced, containing a letter from the Governor to Lord Dartmouth, in which the former represented the Assembly as having been divided in their approbation of the proceedings of the late Congress. The Assembly requested to know of the Governor whether the extract contained a true representation of the substance of the letter written by him. His Excellency complained of the course of the House in placing the extract on their minutes, and secking to inculpate him, but denied the correctness of the extract.

Votes, vol. 4, p. 15. Gordon, p. 162.

don the cause of their country. But they said they had considered the proposal that had been offered, and though they wished to avoid a hasty conclusion, they could form no other opinion than that it was essentially the same that had heretofore been made; that it did not appear to be materially different from that which was presented before the passage of the stamp act; they said that America did not comply with it then, and that though they were sincerely disposed to use all proper means in order to become reconciled to his Majesty, and the Parliament of England, yet they could not comply with a proposition which they believed to be inconsistent with the privileges of freemen; nor did they want any time to consider, whether they should submit to that which in their apprehension would reduce them to a state but little better than slavery. That they might, according to the present proposal be fully and effectually taxed by their fellow subjects of Great Britain, and that perhaps to a much greater degree than before; as it seemed to require that they should raise such a proportion as Parliament should think proper, and it was impossible to tell how far the people of the colony might be involved by assent to so undeterminate a provision. "Upon the whole," they said, "though sincerely desirous to give every mark of duty and attachment to the King, and to show all due deference to the Parliament, we cannot, consistent with our real sentiments, and the trust reposed in us, assent to a proposal big with consequences destructive to the public welfare; and hope that the justice of our parent country will not permit us to be driven into a situation, the prospect of which fills us with anxiety and horror. We heartily pray that the supreme disposer of events, in whose hands are the hearts of all men, may avert the calamities impending over us, and influence our Sovereign, his Ministry, and Parliament, so as to induce them to put a stop to the effusion of the blood of the colonists, who wish always to look upon their fellow subjects of Great Britain as their brethren."

The conciliatory plan was afterwards brought forward in Congress, and was referred to Franklin, Jefferson, Adams, and Lec, and on the report of this committee, on the 31st of July, Congress rejected the terms as unreasonable, insidious, and unsatisfactory.