there were more than two. When I heard of your appointment, I recollected with the Marquis of Carmarthen, now Duke of Leeds, and imagined it probable that his Lordship might have intimated, directly or indirectly, to some one near the President, that one of the Mr. Pinckneys would be agreeable at court. I never had an idea of any other influence than that, which is very common in Europe, when one government causes intimations to be given to another, that the appointment of some particular gentlemen would be agreeable. And I now fully believe that my suspicion of even that kind of influence was wholly unfounded in reality, though it had then some colour in appearance. The other insinuation concerning the Pinckney family, had no other foundation than this: When I received my commission to the Court of St. James, I observed in it a limitation to three years. As I did not recollect any example of this before, I was at a loss for the reason of it, but as I did not intend at that time to remain in Europe, even so long a time as three years, I thought very little of it, until afterwards, on my arrival in London, in 1785, I received information without inquiry, that Mr. Pinckney, a member of Congress from South Carolina, had said that the limitation to three years had been inserted in my commission for the purpose of getting rid of me; that the mission to London was too good a thing for me, and that the intention was, as soon as I could be removed, to send a Mr. Pinckney of South Carolina, in my room. When I heard of a Mr. Pinckney's appointment, this London information came into my mind and diverted me, because I supposed Mr. Pinckney, after eight years, had carried his point, and occasioned the sentiment expressed in the letter, which, from the sportive, playful, careless air of it throughout, must be easily perceived to have been confidential. It may be easily ascertained who was the Mr. Pinckney who was a member of Congress in 1784 or 1785, when my commission was granted and dated, and when the limitation to three years was inserted.

On this occasion, it is but justice and duty in me to declare that I have not, at this time, the smallest reason to suspect that you or your brother ever solicited any appointment under government, abroad or at home; that the whole conduct of both, as far as it has come to my knowledge, (and I have had considerable opportunities to know the conduct of both since 1792) has shown minds candid, able, and independent, wholly free from any kind of influence from Britain, and from any improper bias in favour of that country or any other; and that both have rendered with honour and dignity to themselves, great and important services to our country. And I will add, in the sincerity of my heart, that I know of no two gentlemen whose characters and conduct are more deserving of confidence.

I cannot conclude without observing that we are fallen on evil times; on evil times indeed are we fallen, if every private conversation is immediately to be betrayed and misrepresented in the newspapers, and if every frivolous and confidential letter is to be dragged by the hand of treachery from its oblivion of eight years, and published by malice and revenge, for the purpose of making mischief."

After this entire retraction by Mr. Adams, the letter needs but little notice, even had it been ever deserving of

more than ridicule. It may, however, be mentioned, that the resolution referred to, which was introduced, it is true, by a cousin of Mr. Pinckney, was a general one, limiting the commissions of all ministers to foreign courts, and not, as Mr. Adams supposed, directed against himself; that it was seconded by the very member who nominated him as Minister to England, and supported by Mr. Gerry, his particular friend. The circumstance of this letter, though of some moment at the time, would not now be deserving of notice, but that it is another proof of the jealous character of Mr. Adams, the frivolous grounds on which he could allow himself to entertain the gravest suspicions against the purest characters, and his singular want of self knowledge in styling himself "the most open, unsuspicious man alive."b

But although the President thus withdrew his charges of British influence, as regarded the Pinckney's, he was not equally just towards others. The imputation as applicable to Hamilton, to those members of the Cabinet who could not appear to approve of his French embassy, and to others who were suspected of coinciding with them in opinion, was as often in his mouth, as in that of Jefferson or his followers. The man who, of all men in America, had been most frequently and bitterly attacked for his predilection to British institutions, for his propensity to monarchical forms and ceremonies, now condescended to adopt the stale and paltry slander of his political enemies, and use it as a means of destroying such of his former friends as he had by his own secession alienated. The weapon was one well suited to the vulgar prejudices of the mob; he had himself felt its edge, and he could not refrain from handling it in turn. Openly used by the ostensible head of the federal party against its distinguished members, it could not fail to have its effect in giving force and strength to the attacks upon them; but Mr. Adams

e Hamilton's Letter, pp. 16, 17.

b Boston Patriot, Letter XVI.

had not the sagacity to perceive that in working their ruin, he was destroying the pillars of the platform on which he stood himself.

Mr. Hamilton, against whom in particular this language had been employed by the President, had determined that it should not pass unnoticed or unanswered. On the first of August, therefore, he had addressed to Mr. Adams a letter, couched in respectful language, inquiring whether the report that he had asserted the existence of a British faction in America, embracing a number of leading or influential characters in the federal party, and among others referring to himself by name, was or was not correct, and if correct, on what ground the suggestion was founded. Receiving no answer to this communication, he again wrote upon the first of October, and observing that he would draw no inferences from the President's silence, he declared, "that by whomsoever a charge of the kind mentioned in his former letter, might at any time have been made or insinuated against him, it was a base, wicked, and cruel calumny; destitute even of a plausible pretext to excuse the folly or mask the depravity which must have dictated it." Of these letters it is believed that Mr. Adams, in his published writings at least, has taken no notice. The charges have, however, been stereotyped by him, in the letters to Cunningham and to the Patriot, and upon his authority as to the existence of such a faction and the men who composed it, have the anti-federalists rested. "The conspiracy against the public liberty," says Mr.Gerry's biographer, " imputed to the leaders of the dominant party, and proclaimed by their opponents, like the prophesies of Cassandra to incredulous ears, has since been wonderfully countenanced by the disclosures which the then President has made." The value of the disclosures, and the existence of the conspiracy, will, it is believed, need better evidence than has yet

a Austin's Life of Gerry, II. 150.

been exhibited, to gain credence with posterity, in the teeth of that which is to be found in the lives or the writings of our early statesmen. That, so far as regards Mr. Adams, the imputation was the offspring of wounded vanity, of disappointed ambition, of jealousy and revenge, is sufficiently shown in the history of his administration and of his defeat.

With all this dread of a British faction in his mind, Mr. Adams, in his moments of irritation, it seems, did not hold monarchy in such abhorrence, provided it was centered in the issue of his own loins.

It was about this time determined by Mr. Hamilton to address a circular letter to some of the leading federalists throughout the country, in defence of those of the party who had advocated the equal support of General Pinckney at the forthcoming election. The friends of Mr. Adams had been unwearied in their efforts to disparage the characters and the motives of Gen. Pinckney's adherents, and the personal views of the latter had been as unsparingly attacked by them as by the anti-federalists themselves. In accordance with this resolution, the celebrated "Letter concerning the public conduct and character of John Adams," was prepared. It was intended to effect two objects, to vindicate himself and his friends in their political conduct from unjust reproaches, and to procure a joint support of the second candidate of the party. The writer, notwithstanding a full and candid exposition of his objections to Mr. Adams, and his apprehension that under his future auspices the federal policy might totter and fall, disclaimed all wish to withdraw from him a single vote, or to oppose any obstacle to his election. To this end the letter was prepared for only a limited and private circulation. A copy was, however, surreptitiously obtained by Col. Burr, and made public, under circumstances so base and dishonorable, as to add new infamy to a name already sufficiently blackened.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 1, 1800.

I have received your favour of September 26th, and have made a few notes which I will write and send to you to-morrow. The style and temper are excellent. No observations occur to me upon the first part of the draught.

You will judge of the expediency of sending the letter, from the information which you possess of the public opinion. I have no lights beyond those which I suggested as from Massachusetts, in a late letter which I wrote you, and which I hope you received. The advice from that quarter was opposed to any publication with your signature. I am of opinion with you, that anonymous publications do no good. Presuming that you would want the draught, I enclose it. I will write more at large to-morrow.

I enclose a S. C. paper. There is in it a publication, not much to my mind. Mr. P. ought not to have suggested a doubt of the authenticity of the letter to Tench Coxe.

TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON.

WASHINGTON, Oct. 2, 1800.

I wrote you a hasty letter yesterday, in which I returned the draft which accompanied your favour of Sept. 26th. In my opinion the style, temper, and spirit of the composition are well suited to the object, and will do you honour. I have only to submit a few criticisms to your consideration.a

I think the letter may with propriety be sent to your friends elsewhere, than in New England, if it is published at all. The letter ought and will influence the election. If it is sent merely as a defence of your character, and that of your friends, and not to influence the election, the publication should be deferred till after the election is over. A principal merit of the composition consists in its frankness. Peculiar caution is therefore necessary in stating all the motives of the publication. I have thought hitherto that Mr. Adams ought, by all fair and honourable means, to be deprived of votes.

If your letter should be sent to Connecticut in its present form, I suspect that it would be inferred to be your expectation, at least that Mr. Adams would obtain all the votes of that state. The expression of such an expectation might, in some degree, contribute to produce that effect. I expect to visit my friends in a short time, and wish the question to remain undetermined. There is a party in this state (Maryland) who consider Mr. Adams as a character exactly suited to their views, and I believe it to be their intention to give him their exclusive support. To counteract this policy, it is necessary that some federal votes should be withdrawn from Mr. Adams. This would not increase the chance of Mr.

a These criticisms are omitted, as, unexplained by the letter itself, they would

be unintelligible; at any rate are no lon ger of interest.