sent the following, recorded by Col. Pickering, as one of the particular causes. The anecdote was contained in a letter to him from a friend.

at

"Some time in the fall of 1807, I was in company with General Henry Lee,

—, in Virginia. During the day, various topics of conversation were introduced. Among others, some remarks were made upon the unhappy consequences which had resulted from the change in the federal administration of the government of the United States. And this change was, in a great measure, by the person submitting these remarks, attributed to the apathy and inertness of federalists at elections. General Lee replied, that he did not hesitate to allow some influence to that cause, but that he ascribed the principal cause to Mr. Adams himself; and then remarked, that being in Philadelphia in the summer of 1800, where the subject of the approaching Presidential election had excited much interest, he dined with Mr. Adams, in company with Mr. Jefferson. In the afternoon, when Mr. Jefferson had retired, he took the liberty to caution Mr. Adams, who had been, as he considered, very unguarded in the presence of Mr. Jefferson; and observed, with the view to enforce that caution, that he knew Mr. Jefferson was using all his influence and intrigue, to supersede him in the Presidential chair. Mr. Adams received this friendly admonition with apparent displeasure; and observed with warmth, that he believed Mr. Jefferson to be more friendly towards him, than many who professed to be his friends; and that he further believed, Mr. Jefferson never had the ambition, or desire to aspire to any higher distinction than to be his first lieutenant."

It was this miserable fatuity which Mr. Ames so well characterised, when he spoke of "the pride that wanted Jefferson to be, and to be exhibited as his second, and that was not hurt at being in return his dupe."

My Dear Sir,

FISHER AMES, TO CHAUNCEY GOODRICH.

DEDHAM, June 12, 1800.

This moment I have received Mr. Wolcott's letter of the 7th, and am desired to send my answer to your care. It is not improper to address it to you. His letter shall go to Mr. Cabot, with that regard and attention which we both feel for the writer. I lose no time to write, and shall be brief, as I am hard pushed for time to prepare some law business in my hands.

I returned from Connecticut strongly impressed with the necessity for awakening the federalists to a sense of their danger, and persuaded that the danger was likely to be much augmented by the obstacles, [which] local and personal attachments,

a" Review," Sec. III.

would create in Massachusetts, to the proper exercise of our State's right of suffrage. You will know that this State is to choose electors by the legislature; that this was intended, and was expected to secure a unanimous vote for Adams and Gen. Pinckney; that the choice must be made in November next; and it is probable, though not so certain as I wish, that all the votes will be given for those two. I believe further, that it is understood by most persons, that Pinckney's chance is worse than Jefferson's, and better than Adams'. Of those who foresee the exclusion of the latter, few yet dare, and fewer think it prudent or necessary, to avow their desire, of such an event of the election. The Demos, would join in the cry to make any man opposed to the President, unpopular, and no party is yet formed, and in activity among the federalists, to vindicate and shelter him. I scorn, as much as my friends do, duplicity, or timidity in politics; yet, while I avow my opinions and expectations as much as any enquirer has a right to know them, I think myself bound to exercise that discreet reserve, [without] [which,] we might divide the votes, and mar the success of good measures. Many explanations must be given, and time must pass, to familiarise good minds to correct new ideas, before you can expect more than I have stated, as the expectation and object of the legislature of Massachusetts, to choose the electors themselves. An open attack, if made soon on one of the two, would, I fear, divide our force, and perhaps give some votes to Jefferson; yet, Mr. Wolcott seems to think (for on this point he is not perfectly clear) that we in this State, ought to vote for only one of the two intended candidates. I perceive a great fund of federal zeal and merit, such as he could wish, in the leading members of our General Court, and I also see that a certain interest is jealous and busy, but manifestly weak in both branches. Due care will be taken to get men of sound, independent patriotism, for electors. The difficulty of securing their election, and of their due conduct in that character, is understood. I expect a progressive alarm will be felt, as the time of election approaches, and as the strange, whimsical conduct of a certain great man is more generally comprehended. Now, I wish to know how much further you would wish us to go. I have carefully stated on all occasions, that the object is to keep an anti out, and get a federal President in; and that the only way to do it, is, by voting for General Pinckney, at the risk, which every one I converse with suggests, of excluding Mr. A. Many of us are willing to say all that the cause requires, and unwilling to say anything that truth forbids; but on the former point, you and Mr. W. may probably decide that Massachusetts ought to hear more than I have stated. Any strong impulse on public opinion here, could produce, at best, only a pretty general effect, whereas, we must have a unanimous vote, or have Jefferson.

I will desire Mr. Cabot to write fully, after enquiring much. I have not time for the task. After two weeks, I hope to be more at leisure. Y'r friend, FISHER AMES.

My Dear Sir,

FROM FISHER AMES.

DEDHAM, June 12, 1800.

I have twice read your favour of the 7th, received by this day's mail, and

have written to Mr. Goodrich a brief and hasty reply. Really I have no leisure, and am not to have any for a fortnight, but being more politician than lawyer, I cannot forbear to add another sheet. Towards the last days of the commonwealth, all our fears claim to be important. Yet I hope, while I unreservedly communicate mine, that our republic will live to wear grey hairs and green honours.

There are three parties in the United States. Men, who from mere want or folly, abhor restraint; those who from principle, habit, or property, would impose it, and the personal or interested friends of a man, whose caprices and weaknesses have been sometimes scienter, but often blindly used, to weaken our party and to animate the other. This man is vindictive enough at any risk or even ruin, to disappoint those who will, he thinks, alone disappoint him. His vanity is also soothed to exhibit his fate as proceeding from the art or force of the antis, rather than the disgust of the feds. In that event want of votes would seem more tolerable than the detected want of character. Yet do not condemn me if I say that man has talents for every thing but business, and keep him to making books, he is a great man. Precisely such men act most absurdly. The weak parts of great characters are most prominent and decisive of events. It has long been a common place axiom of my creed, that the world's wisdom has not half as much to do in its government as its weaknesses. This man fancied parties could not do without him. You must remember, though you say you did not know him till his election, that I told you at great length and most faithfully in your office, exactly what I knew him to be, before he was in office. This extravagant opinion of himself, this ignorance of parties and characters, this pride that wanted Jefferson to be, and to be exhibited to be his second, and that was not hurt at being in return his dupe, this caprice that was often shifting style and that forbid him ever to have a scber, reflected system. I say all this was known to Cabot and to me in kind, though we both confess, in some of the points, less in degree than the event has exhibited. So it is, however. When his strange measure was announced, and the stranger affectation of mystery as to its reasons, I did not scruple to say it to confidential persons, that when a man is lost with his party, he is irretrievably lost; that he had renounced us, and it was in vain ever to expect he would be right. The truth is, his party is feeble; doubts infest the timid, and they do not know how to get rid of old opinions, which they know were once popular, and to take new ones which they apprehend will be violently unpopular. All the influence of office, of popular prejudices, and habits, and all the effect of the arts of our political rivals are manifest at this moment, and the division of the federal people, and the augmented spirit and force of the antis are evils scarcely to be avoided. My thoughts are, that as the unanimous vote of Massachusetts must be had, the plain truth, which in other moments can alone work miracles to save, would now operate to divide us. That, instead of analyzing the measures of the man who has thus brought the cause into jeopardy, you must sound the tocsin about Jefferson; that the hopes and fears of the citizens are the only sources of influence, and surely we have enough to fear from Jefferson; by thus continually sounding our just alarms we remain united with the people, instead of separated from them, and losing at least a part of our in

fluence. This will not exclude our suggestion of the experienced bad effects of the attempts to coin them, (i. e. by the envoys to France,) and the little cause for apprehension if General P. should be elected. This part of the business will require judgment, but it will be impossible to exclude the thoughts of political men from running in this train. Why not then, without delay, begin a series of papers to prove the dreadful evils to be apprehended from a Jacobin President. That he would try the first year to coax and to delude, to promise to support the existing system of measures, to gain and to employ in office the known friends of those measures, and to give hopes to many more that they will in turn be employed, thus to abate the fear which federalists entertain, and which is the source of their union. When he has so far broken their force as that the fear of it no longer keeps the antis in check, and submissive to his guidance, then he must act as his party will have him, and not as his own timidity or prudence might otherwise incline him. Moderation, however he might first affect it, would be perceived to gain him no friends among the real federalists, and it would, if persevered in, like the policy of the present chief, sap the foundation of his influence with his own party. He would not rashly and absurdly desert his friends to gain his foes, and thus there would be one year of hypocrisy to divide our party, and three years of Jacobinism to oppress and plunder it. For it is not easy for him to act otherwise. Either a chief must join the malcontents who hate restraint, and most of all legal restraint, the natural and unconquerable Jacobins, or he must unite with those who respect law and order, and who would impose such restraint. In the one case or the other, his friends and his foes, his objects to choose and to shun, his reasons, pretexts, and means are all fore-ordained by the decrees of political fate. This Mr. Jefferson well knows, and will act accordingly. He will have, it is true, a personal object, somewhat distinct from his party; i. e. to keep his post, and that will lead him to promise, to coax, and to intrigue; but as soon as the federal men, who might happen to be in office, or who might be there on his accession to the chair, by agreement or coalition, as soon as their influence had been used and exhausted to gain apostates from us, and to blast their own fame with our party, then he would act as his party would require. They would require that the active capital of the country should not augment the over-weight of the northern scale; it is the power of an enemy, and must be lessened. A thousand ways of attacking property are plausible, popular, and fatal. Besides, however fond of power and resolute to maintain it, his situation would impose it upon him to maintain it by the energies of Jacobinism, by courting, exciting, and guiding the passions of the people, a source of power, which, though disguised, is a resort to mere force, and accordingly as soon as experience has pointed out that such force is often wanted, and always clumsy, and sometimes taken out of the demagogue's hands by a fresher and therefore more favourite demagogue, it will lead to a more permanent and manageable force. Behold France-what is theory here, is fact there. What is here faith, is there fruition. The men, the means, the end of such a government as Jefferson must, nolens volens, prefer, will soon ensure war with Great Britain, a Cisalpine alliance with France, plunder and anarchy.

Such ideas exhibited with vivacity and force, would arouse the public, if the

sleep of death be not already upon us. We should feel and make manifest our sympathy with it. Our power over opinion would not be wholly lost, as I think it would be by a hasty attack on the present chief. I write very hastily, and steal the moments from business, which I ought not to neglect, and make no scruple of submitting crudities to your friendly judgment. I pray you write in confidence to me or Mr. Cabot, and be assured that I am unfeignedly your friend, &c.,

FROM GEORGE CABOT.

(Private.)

FISHER AMES.

BROOKLINE, June 14, 1800.

My dear Friend,

I have more than once spoken of your situation in the government to men whom you already esteem, and to others whom you would esteem if you knew them. They all agree that you fulfil a high but difficult duty in remaining at your post while the public good so strongly demands it. Whatever may be your apprehensions, I hope you will see the issue of the presidential election before you decide on any new course of life. It is not easy to answer satisfactorily the question, "How far the influential men in Massachusetts will go in attempting to save the declining cause?" You may, however, rely upon it, that the most influential men think as you do upon the nature of our difficulties, and the remedy for them. It is one of the evils incidental to popular systems that the best friends of government feel themselves obliged to conceal the defects, and magnify the good qualities of those who administer public affairs. A reputation and degree of personal power is by this means acquired, which may be used for wrong purposes, and cannot be suddenly counteracted. A perfect silence has been observed in Massachusetts until very lately, on the caprices, ill humour, selfishness, and extreme vanity of a man who, with these faults and weaknesses, possessed some good qualities, great talents in political speculation, and has rendered some important services. Many good men had their fears, as you know, that Mr. Adams would make wild steerage if placed at the helm, notwithstanding he had written well on the subject of political navigation. But those men suppressed those opinions, and co-operated with others in giving praise as often as they could, and thus contributed to strengthen the public sentiment in his favour. Thus his fame is, in some sort, interwoven with the web of the national government. Local ideas also concur to unite them in the minds of the people here, so that every attempt to separate them is ill received. I think, however, that if electors were now to be appointed, they would vote unanimously for Adams and Pinckney. Our legislature has taken this business into their own hands, and although they do not wish to see Mr. Adams discarded, I am satisfied they would not hazard the mischief of having Mr. Jefferson elected by wasting a single federal vote. Every moment brings me new proof that the opinion extends itself, of the propriety of uniting all our votes with the federalists of other states, as the only measures by which the government can be preserved. Having thus given you