be gradual, except when danger is seen to be near and felt to be great. But if the want of money first exists, the resources for it will be supplied, and the faster for that want. I do not much reluct at expenses when prudently chosen and assented to by Congress, because I know the country is in no want of means, though it requires time and a train of good habits to draw them forth. On the whole, the prospect is dismal, and perhaps human wisdom is too short-sighted to provide resources against the danger. To push on too fast while public sentiment lays far behind, would be rash; on the other hand, occasions must not be lost to get for the government such means of self-defence as they present. Jacobinism is certainly spreading from towns and cities into the country places. It is less watched and less warmly resisted in the latter than the former. It is, therefore, getting to be much at home in the country, and will remain till the convulsion of some great internal events shall change the whole political and moral order of our nation. Then, taught by suffering, we shall learn wisdom, when perhaps it is too late to put it in practice. I have written more than I intended, with too much haste for method or precision. Yours truly, FISHER AMES. FROM GEORGE CABOT. My Dear Sir, (Private.) BROOKLINE, January 16, 1800. Mr. Ames passed last evening with me. He is to pronounce the eulogy of Washington before our State Legislature, three weeks hence. I hope he will weave into it as much as possible, of his own politics. They are such as Washington approved, and I hardly know what greater praise can be given him, than a display of this fact. I have viewed and reviewed again and again, the picture you have drawn. I wished to discover that you had thrown over it an air of gloom darker than the truth, but I believe it is a versimilitude in every particular. From the moment the mission to France was announced, it was to be foreseen that the President would part, wider and wider, from every active, firm friend of the anti-jacobin policy, which had been with great difficulty just established. It was to be foreseen that a direct attack of external enemies being no longer dreaded, no sufficient reason could be offered to the people for subjecting them to the burden of armies and taxes; always odious when first imposed, and only submitted to from a conviction of indispensable necessity, so plain and obvious that no one can dispute its existence. Every sagacious man however, must discover that, while the appearance of danger has diminished, its reality has increased; and thus we are thrown back into a state of peril and embarrassment similar to that we were in several years ago. The difficulty then was to make the people sensible of the nature and extent of the dangers to which the country was exposed, and to rouse a sufficient indignation to repel it, where they were almost persuaded a measure was adopted which contradicted all they had been taught, and repressed the rising spirit. Should the mission now fail, and France be insolent, it will be in vain to address the people's resentments upon a subject on which their passions have already evaporated. But be all this as it may, it is not the less incumbent on government to provide for the public safety, by all the means in their power. Whatever may be the obstacles to an army, they ought to be overcome; the whole world is becoming military, and if we are wholly otherwise, we shall be as sheep among wolves. Indeed, we have wolves enough within our own fold to destroy us, if we cannot keep up our own guards. I have more than once been informed that Mr. Pitt has expressed, in the British cabinet, his willingness to make peace, but has been overruled. I have accounted to myself for this circumstance, so extraordinary in a man of his inflexibility, by supposing that he alone felt the extreme difficulty of providing the means to support the war. If the similarity of situation can be supposed to have biased your opinions, I should not wonder, for notwithstanding our boasted resources actually existing, such is the machinery by which they are to be drawn forth, that an American financier has not greatly the advantage over the British. The acquiescence in the direct tax is such as I hope will encourage the federalists to make it permanent; but why should not some of the impost duties be greatly increased? Half a dollar upon every fifty-six lbs. of salt would be an excellent tax. The article is bulky and imported, and therefore the tax would be productive. Though not, probably, perfectly equal, it would be as much so, probably, as any tax can be; and if it be punctually and perpetually paid, the inequality will be almost annihilated by the operation of well known principles. I see no objection to doubling the duties on tea, and raising them considerably on coffee and sugar. There is certainly no reason why these, and many articles should not be taxed as high as they will bear without encouraging smuggling. This is a limit very important to be known. I am not enough in the world to know what passes openly, still less clandestinely; but I have always entertained great fears on this point. So far as I have known the opinions which have prevailed, smuggling appears to have been considered infamous-whatever has been practised, must therefore have been hidden from the citizens as well as from the revenue officers, and very few men probably have been hardy enough to hazard the disgrace; but we have had a tide of commercial prosperity constantly flowing; this must turn, and the auri sacra fames will then subdue many scruples. The selection of taxes is a choice among difficulties, and it abundantly appears, I think, that indirect taxes, as they are called, are the most tolerable, and therefore these must be carried as high as they can be collected. Doubtless new and additional guards will become requisite; but as it becomes more and more understood, that all smuggling is paid for by the fair trade, I think a pretty vigorous system may be established. From the money loving character of our people, as well as from the nature of our government, I have always thought the revenues are to be principally secured by the force of pecuniary penalties. If these can be so contrived that they cannot be avoided, but shall be always dreaded by those who offend, I think the offenders will be few and the revenue safe; my object would be to have penalties certain rather than excessive, and subject to no limitation of time or place, which should bar full proof. Your view of continental Europe is more unfavourable, and much more pro found than my imaginatiou had formed. Doubtless the selfishness of the German Emperor is a bar to the exertions of the conquered States; a glorious opportunity has been lost to destroy the power of Jacobinism. So much depends on opinion, that the successes of the campaign in Italy would have armed half of Europe against France, and half of France against the usurpers, if the coalition had acted fairly on principles entirely just, and had supported faithfully their first enterprises. Suwarrow had consumed his army by employing them in the service he had to perform. He was exhausted, though always victorious, and as he approached France, the main body of his enemy, he was almost alone. But will not the adversity which closes the campaign, operate to unite more closely and effectually the three great powers? I confess to you, nothing can exceed my chagrin at seeing a campaign which promised every thing to my hopes, produce so little. Still, however, it has produced something of value. It has proved to the terrified people of various countries, that their oppressors are not immortal, and that whoever opposes them with courage will defeat them. It has shown France incapable of such great efforts as she made for several successive years, when she easily sent forth eighty or one hundred thousand soldiers, to plunder and destroy those who refused to be her willing slaves. She has, this year, manifested great anxiety for the safety of her system, and has been unable to command for her own defence. The recall of several great leaders from Egypt, indicates an abandonment of all hope of any success in that quarter, and probably was in part occasioned by a want of the name and talents of some of them, and the support of their united partisans. I do not yet despair of reaping, next year, the golden harvest I vainly expected at this time. The success in Holland may tempt the French once more to expose their fleet. They have strong inducements, and if they yield to them, England will probably be invigorated by another naval victory. Heaven bless you and yours, FROM GEORGE CABOT. G. CABOT. My Dear Sir, BROOKLINE, February 28, 1800. If Mr. Babcock shall not have left your city when this letter arrives, will you have the goodness to charge him with the various letters addressed to my son, some of which are probably in the post office at Philadelphia; and if Mr. B. is departed, will you desire the post master to direct and forward them to New York. I presume you have learnt that the King of Denmark has joined the coalition, and that a treaty is negotiating at Stockholm with a view to engage Sweden. It is determined, if this can be accomplished by England and Russia, to treat other powers who shall trade with France, as accomplices. Talleyrand was taken under the consular patronage, upon the belief that the Envoys from the United States were on their passage to France. It is hoped in England, that Suwarrow will be largely reinforced, and with the addition of a German division, will act on the Rhine, and that Austria will act separately. Doubtless, if the Emperor of Germany is disposed, the allies may carry all before them; but our past experience does not authorize us to expect the sincerity and good faith which the interest of all requires. I remain, &c., GEORGE CABOT. FROM RUFUS KING. Dear Sir, LONDON, December 31, 1799. I took an early occasion after the receipt of your letter of the 4th October, to mention its contents to Mr. Pitt, who appears to think that your views in the main agreed with his, and desired me to give him the earliest information of the result of such propositions, as you should make to Congress. In consequence of the pecuniary embarrassments, arising in part from the fall in the prices of West India productions, the law that took off the drawback on sugar and coffee, was during the last session of Parliament suspended for a year. Should the embarrassment continue, as it is not improbable, it will be requisite to prolong the suspension. Notwithstanding the unexampled liberality of the bank in its discounts, the permission to bond the duties on sugar, coffee, &c., instead of paying them as formerly at the time of entry, and the re-establishment of the drawback, the difficulties among commercial men are extensive and serious. The early and severe setting in of the frost, which has totally cut off the trade to Hamburg, and which improves that of Holland, has added to the distress, that will scarcely be removed before the disappointments expected in the remittances from America will begin to be felt; so that whatever the commercial difficulties may now be, it is apprehended that they may be still greater towards midsummer. With all the management of government, the necessary collection of money to pay the half yearly dividends is supposed considerably to affect its circulation, and united with other occasional causes produces a periodical stagnation that excites inquietude, as well as impairs the general propriety. This evil increases with the increase of the public debt, and in the eyes of some speculative men is already formidable. My persuasion is, that no peace will be made this winter, and that the next campaign will be as vigorous and bloody as the last. I hope the Washington, in which, as I informed you in my letter of the 7th September, we have 2000 muskets, and some other articles of public property, may arrive safe. The Woodrop Sims, in which, as I also informed you in my letter of the 7th September, we had 1500 muskets, with two or three boxes, containing the dies of the Indian medals, ordered by Col. McHenry, some books, charts, and a few other small articles, has been taken and carried to Bordeaux. With sincere regards, &c., &c. RUFUS KING. The report of the Secretary of War to the President, on measures which appeared to him necessary for the improvement of the military system, was transmitted to Congress on the 14th of January. It recommended the formation of a military academy for the education of a body of officers and engineers, adequate to any future exigency, and qualified to discipline troops for the field, and to give efficiency to their operations. The project had been a favorite one with Washington, and was recommended by every consideration of policy, in a country where a standing army of force was both impossible and undesirable. Mr. McHenry submitted the details of his plan, which contemplated likewise naval instruction. The report exhibited a statement of the progress made in the augmentation of the forces and their disposition, and suggested a number of material improvements in the service, including the introduction of horse artillery, a system of fortifications, and a revision of the military code. At a subsequent period of the session a further communication on the subject of the schools was made to the committee of the House, but no definite action was taken upon it. The Committee of Ways and Means, to whom the estimates for 1800 were referred, addressed the Secretary on the 6th of January, requesting an estimate of the expense and revenues according to existing laws; a statement of the receipts and expenditures for the last quarter of 1799, as far as ascertained, and a statement of the account between the United States and the bank, especially with respect to the reimbursement of former loans. These were returned on the 22d, and were as follows: EXPENDITURES. ESTIMATES OF EXPENDITURE AND REVENUE FOR 1800. For the foreign debt due in Amsterdam and Antwerp, principal For the Domestic Debt, exclusive of the Sinking Fund, $911,121 00 3,402,369 18 193,018 51 404,400 00 |