mind, but the same aversion to give efficiency to the little army continued, and the motive discloses itself involuntarily in the charges that Hamilton designed to use that force for his own aggrandizement.

The appointment of a new mission to France, had in itself been a death blow to the successful creation of a military force. Besides rendering it at once unpopular in the country as an unnecessary measure, it tended to discourage enlistments or the accepting of offices by those who sought them from motives of patriotism or the hope of glory and honor. None would thenceforward seek an employment which was destined to be of short duration, and which promised no result. It was a declaration that further hostile measures were superseded by a more peaceful alternative.

Yet notwithstanding this, Mr. Adams, soon after the adjournment of Congress and his departure from the seat of government, suddenly resolved on commissioning officers for the provisional army, and that before any progress had been made in recruiting the additional regiments, or they were even completely officered. And what were the inducements to this new determination ? Washington saw in it, as he supposed, the evidence "that stronger indications of hostility had been received than appeared when he went away."a None such had, however, arrived. The explanation is to be sought in another direction, unless, indeed it sprung from an impulse without motive. The selection of these officers was to be confided, not to the Commander-in-Chief, but to the Senators of each state. Did not Mr. Adams thus hope to secure the appointment of men, who, owing nothing to the recommendation of Hamilton, would feel no interest or attachment to him? Did he not expect to find here, in the provisional army, a counterpoise to the influence of the

a To James McHenry, May 13, 1799. Sparks, XI. 431.

Inspector General with the regular army? The measure itself, though irreconcilable with Mr. Adams' own previous declarations and acts, was indeed considered as eligible by Washington; but the method of executing it was as inconsistent with good government as well could be.

Wolcott, as is known, had from the first preferred that the measures of the government should be directed rather to the appointment of the officers, the preparations of munitions of war, and the creation of a navy, than to the immediate recruiting of the army. In this opinion he was consistent, though he expressed himself ready and willing to give every aid depending on his department.

The acts for the protection of commerce already manifested their good effects. The merchant vessels were generally armed for self defence, and the depredations upon them were proportionately diminished. The little navy of the United States too, had began to give an earnest of its future usefulness and gallantry, and the victory of Truxton over the "Insurgente Insurgente" was of itself no inglorious achievement. In regard to this affair, Mr. Tucker says: "The exploit was differently received by the two parties; whilst it was regarded by the federalists as adding cause of party triumph to the honest exultation of patriotism, the republicans saw in it an accession of strength to those whom they believed already too strong for the interests of the country, and a further widening of the breach with the only power which could save that country from a close and fatal connexion with England. It is, however, always an unfortunate position, and commonly a culpable one, in which a citizen cannot rejoice at the victories of his country."

a 2 Tucker's Jefferson, II. 61.

FROM WILLIAM SMITH.

Dear Sir,

LISBON, February 3, 1799.

Always "better late than never ;" your long and excellent letter makes ample amends, and claims my sincere thanks. With the business you have always on your hands, it was more than I had a right to expect.

We have received American news to 26th Dec., from an eastern port. The speech and the answers are good, on the ground of no declaration of war; but I question the policy of remaining in that state. I see much to be gained, and nothing lost, by putting the country in a state of war; and I should think this might be made evident to a majority of the House. The French having no commercial vessels, our measures against their vessels are, in fact, as hostile as they can be; but we lose the advantage of enforcing the act against alien enemies, and we expose hundreds of our ships to capture; for now our merchants, captains, and underwriters, expose themselves more than they would in a state of open war. They are deluded by every report of negotiation; every amicable profession; every idle paragraph, or scrap of fabricated letter. This would not be the case in a state of war, for then they would sail under convoy, or well armed, knowing that they would be subject to capture, until peace was actually signed. The French here, capture and condemn every one they can lay their hands on. Could they take as many of our vessels, if we were at open war! Certainly not. Would it not, moreover, be proper to recall all our citizens from France? Do they do any good there? I fear not; they could be better watched at home. Not being in a state of war, what documents are our vessels to produce at present? The treaty specified them; that being annulled, the French say we are bound by their ordinances, as other neutrals. Our captains have no guide; some think they must have a role d'équipage; others think not. Multitudes, relying on the goodness of their papers, rush into the jaws of the devouring monster, which respects no papers, but cartridge papers, the only proper ones now for our protection. There is no prospect of a repeal of their plundering decree; on the contrary, they now talk of extending them to the goods of Turkey, Russia, Portugal, and Naples, so that a bit of Naples shaving soap will be a cause of condemnation. The very sails of the ship, if of Russian materials, will condemn her.

I thank you for the statement of the Treasury, which I rejoice to find so flourishing. Wishing you continued success in your public and private concerns, and renewed assurances of my sincere esteem, I am, dear sir, your ob't servant, WM. SMITH.

FROM GEORGE CABOT.

BROOKLINE, May 2d, 1799.

My Dear Sir,

I fulfil my own inclination, as well as promise, in mentioning to you that Mr. Gore, one of our Commissioners in London, at the expiration of his present ser

vice, would willingly go to Constantinople or St. Petersburgh, or any other court, as Minister Plenipotentiary, if the government should need a person for such an employment, and should think him capable of serving them acceptably. Mr. Gore has formed himself for such an office by assiduous study and attention for ten years, and would certainly be well received any where; and I think could not fail to advance the reasonable views of the government.

The Jacobins have lately become more systematical, I think, in their electioneering projects, and have, in this part of the country, availed themselves greatly of those momentary discontents which naturally follow the promulgation of a new tax. We are taking some pains, however, to keep the people steady, and I hope, with a majority, these labours will succeed.

On a late visit to Quincy, I was treated with cordial hospitality, and with some confidence; but I was studiously (as I thought) prevented from speaking on those topics which so much engage public attention. I performed a duty in attempting it, and saved myself great pain in being defeated. Knox tells the President he has many good men about him-men of wise heads and honest hearts but they are of a sort that will raise insurrection, if some of them be not dismissed. He only named Tench Francis, but it is easy to fill up the list. I wish he would name all himself, and describe their faults. Doubtless the public would highly commend much of that conduct he condemns. Mrs. Cabot sends to Mrs. Wolcott more love than I can express, unless I write to her. Your affectionate and faithful friend,

GEORGE CABOT.

My Dear Sir,

FROM THEODORE SEDGWICK.

STOCKBRIDGE, 8th May, 1799.

I perceive that a resolution is taken to raise the eventual army. Is this an act of the supreme alone, or does his council concur? The latter I hardly suppose possible. To my mind, no measure heretofore adopted; not even that which was founded on a " plausible appearance of probability" of the pacific disposition of Talleyrand, will aid so much the cause of disorganization. None of the events contemplated by the legislature, on which the power to raise the army was delegated, have, in my opinion, occurred. But is it intended that the force shall be raised, or only the officers appointed? Are these officers to be on pay, or to hold themselves subject to instant requisition without any compensation? Will they not, in any event, be entitled to pay from the time of their appointment, respectively? What will the jealous parsimony of our country say to such a state of things? Can men of the true honourable military spirit be found, who, under such circumstances, will accept appointments? When I compare the unaccountable remissness, in bringing into existence the force which was directed absolutely by the legislature, with the promptitude in the execution of this eventual measure, no language can express my astonishment. Believe me, truly your friend,

THEODORE SEDGWICK.

TO THE PRESIDENT.

PHILA., May 25th, 1799.

After a very laboured trial, Fries, who led the armed party at Bethlehem, has been convicted of treason. He continued tranquil until the verdict of the jury was returned, when and since, he has been much affected. His composure during the trial was not owing to stupidity, for though an illiterate man, he is not deficient in sagacity. He confidently expected to be acquitted, and his hopes are supposed to have been founded on the opinion of Mr. Lewis, who on all occasions since the commencement of the trial has declared that the offence did not amount to treason. Both of the judges were decided in their definitions of the crime, and the evidence was complete, both as to the acts done and of the intention to prevent the execution of the law. It is admitted on all hands that the trial has been fair and impartial; the jury was respectable, and two of them were persons, upon the bias of whose political sentiments, calculations favourable to to the prisoner were made. The jury received the charge at about six o'clock in the evening, when the court adjourned till ten. At the time appointed the verdict was returned-guilty.

I am told this morning of a circumstance which proves that the jury were governed by humane, delicate, and honourable sentiments. When they retired, it was agreed that, without previous argument among themselves, the opinion of each person should be given by ballot. By this trial, it was found that the jury were unanimous.

Thus has ended a trial which has excited the greatest attention, and upon the issue of which the tranquillity of this part of the country has greatly depended. Fries said, after the trial, to Mr. Wood (one of the chief clerks of my office, who is also a clerk of the prison) that great men were at the bottom of this business. I do not know his meaning. B. McClenachan, of the House of Representatives, was certainly an agitator among the insurgents, but I do not know, nor do I believe that the insurgents had any general views, other than to defeat the execution of the act of assessment. In general, the people are ignorant, strongly prejudiced against the measures of government, vindictive in their resentments, and, I fear, incapable of being influenced except by their fears of punishment.

FROM THE PRESIDENT.

QUINCY, May 17, 1799.

Sir,

I return the two commissions inclosed in yours of the 11th, signed. The contracted law of North Carolina, if followed by all the states, would make short work with the federal government. What will be the result of these things? Such a law is enough to disaffect a whole state, and excite a rebellion against the United States. I am, sir, your most humble, &c.,

JOHN ADAMS.