thenomination of individuals, wonld be disfranchised, and the right of returning members to that house transferred to more opulent and populous places. There could be no question that it would be more desirable to have in that house members uninfluenced, than such whose opinions and votes must be controlled by the individuals who nominated them. The remedy was pointed out by the constitution; and the only difficulty that occurred to him was, how they were to ascertain what boroughs were so decayed as to be proper objects for disfranchisement. There were, he had reason to know, above thirty boroughs which had not fifty voters each, and the representatives for which were consequently nominated by the proprietors of the boroughs. But it would be for the committee, if he should succeed, as he hoped he should, in his motion, to ascer tain what boroughs were in that state, and to recommend to the house to disfranchise them; a recommendation which he trusted that house would act upon. Now that he was adverting to that part of the question, he should beg to make one or two observations on

the right of election. That right, he must contend, could not exist in depopulated and uninhabited places, Property real and personal, and population, must and ought to be the basis of such a right. When a place became deficient in population, and no property existed in it but what was possessed by the individual claiming the power of nomination, then the place must cease to possess the right of returning representatives to parliament; and no consequences could result from its being suffered to remain with them, but such as were injurious and detrimental to the nation.

4810.

That property and population formed the basis of representation, he collected from the spirit of the constitution. It was a principle recognised by our ancestors, and he found it pervading every one of their measures respecting the constitution of parliament. The elective franchise for counties had very wisely been given to the freeholders of such counties. He should not think of altering that arrangement, but was of opinion that the copyholders should also be allowed to vote. He could see no ground in reason or principle why they should not, equally with the freeholders, 、 be permitted to vote for county members. In this part of His plan, therefore, he should propose no innovation. He recognised the principle of making property the basis of the elective franchise; for property would, inevitably, possess its influence, in spite of the theory of the philosopher, or the violence of the people. The counties, therefore, he should propose to leave as they are at present, with the exception of adding the copyholders to the freeholders; and after the destruction of the feudal system in this country, he could see no objection to a bill for enfranchising copyholders. In the metropolis, and other popular places, he should propose that the right of voting should be given to all householders paying parochial and other taxes. This was a principle that had been recognised and acted upon by their ancestors: and in proposing to act upon it, he thought that he removed the principal objection to reform. He had thus given a gencral outline of his plan, which would go to obviate the two principal objections to the present state of the representation. Other gentlemen might consider other objections of M

more

more importance; and particularly that respecting the duration of par liaments. Upon this question he had bestowed much and earnest attention, and he found it one of enormous difficulty, but of equal importance. Annual parliaments would leave the representative too little accustomed to business to be competent to his duties in that house. He, for his part, would be inclined to take a middle course between the extremes of annual and septennial parliaments, and to recommend triennial parliaments; which, without the evils of either, would possess all the advantages of both. But the difficulties in changing the duration of the parliament would be immense, unless a concurrent change were to be made in the mode of making the returns. On this head much discussion had taken place, and various opinions were entertained. Some thought that the returns should be made by districts; others, that the votes should be taken by districts. To making the return by districts he had strong objections; of voting by districts he approved, for if the votes were to be taken by districts it would save much expense, and enable those, who at present are deterred by a consideration of the expense from offering themselves, to become candidates. Nothing need prevent the sheriffs from taking the votes throughout the different districts, without subjecting the candidate to the expense of bringing up the freehold ers from the extremities of the, county to the place of the election. The votes might also be collected throughout the different parishes in populous towns. Unless some such arrangement should be made, it would be impossible to establish triennial parliaments without produ

cing mischiefs of the most danger ous tendency. He had thus briefly gone through the statement of the plan he had to recommend; and, in order to prevent all misapprehension or misconstruction of its nature, he must beg to recapitulate its principal features. The subject had been re, peatedly discussed, and a great variety of opinions were entertained upon it. No man could there. fore enter into the question without feeling much difficulty, and some inconvenience. To guard against misconception, therefore, he should re-state that he did not mean to touch the right of voting for coun. ty members, except by letting in copyholders, and assimilating the mode of voting in Scotland to the practice in this country that whilst he left the right of voting untouched, he should propose to disfranchise the boroughs in which the members were returned upon the nomination of individuals; and as the numbers of the house would be diminished, in that pro, portion to transfer the right of returning such members to populous towns, and to apply any surplus to populous counties: that he would recommend the duration of par. liament to be made triennial, to gether with a concurrent arrangement for collecting the votes by districts and parishes. This was what he had to propose: but there was another point remaining, to which it was necessary to call the attention of the house, and which would require a remedy, viz. the number of persons holding places and seats in that house. Something was necessary to be done on that head; but he was ready to admit that he did not think that all persons holding offices should be excluded from that house. He

was

was confident, however, that persons holding offices without responsibility should not be suffered to have seats in that house. He hoped, therefore, that a bill would be brought in to exclude such persons from parliament. On these grounds he had felt it a duty he owed his country to bring forward his motion, and he trusted the house would give it all the attention it deserved. He concluded by moving: "That a committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the representation of the people in that house, to consider of the most effectual means of reforming it, and to report the same, with their opinions thereon, to the house."

After a long debate, in which the principal speakers took a part, the motion was lost by a large majority: there being

For the motion

Against it

Majority 119

June 13. Lord Grey, in the house of peers, on this day brought forward his motion, "On the state of the nation," which he introduced by a most argumentative and eloquent speech. Having apologized for his own inability for the performance of the task that he had undertaken; and having, averred that the present motion had the full and entire approbation of lord Grenville, absent through indisposition; he began his address by exposing the weakness of his majesty's servants in the administra tion of the government, and their inability to the performance of the great duties devolved on them in the present eventful period of national warfare and calamity. His lordship avowed himself a friend to peace; but seeing no prospect of it, and believing that ministers were

equally with himself desirous of it, if properly attainable, he did not think it necessary to interfere on that subject. "When," said the noble speaker, "I state to the house the difficulties which I feel, under the present circumstances of the world, to stand between us and the blessing which must result from a cessation of war, I am aware of the predicament in which I atn placed. I have no wish to intro. duce topics which in their operation might tend to foment those mutual feelings of acrimony and irritation between this country and its enemy, and of course lead to the prolongation of the miseries of war; but neither can I consent to merge in the splendour of that individual who is now the master, not of France, but of Europe, the reflection of all those acts of his, which it is impossible not to lament and to condemn. Unrivalled as is his military glory, my admiration of it shall never be exacted at the sacrifice of our moral feelings; while, on the other hand, I am tenacious of avoiding any course calculated, by the diffusion of irritating language, to prolong the miseries of such a conflict. But when I consider that he who now sits exulting over the spoils of prostrate Europe is alone checked in his hopes of universal dominion, and in his progress to extended despotism, by the power and resistance of this country, it is impossible but that I must believe him prompted by all those influences which sway the human heart, to look to as his most desirable object, as that in which all his passions are concentred, and to which all his designs are directed-the overthrow of Great Britain. It is from such impressions, and because I feel their strength and certainty, M2

that

that I can never consider the restoration of peace, whenever such an event shall happen, in any other light but as a preparation for a renewal of the contest. Let me not, however, be understood as the enemy to peace. I know I might be told that the same arguments as I have usedwould apply to France under its ancient government; that the same inveterate hostility to the power and greatness of this country prevailed in as much activity under the rule of its former dynasty-and that such objections were not alone adverse to peace, but went to sup, port the eternal duration of war. Admitting that France under for mer governments was influenced by a strong hostility to this country, I ask your lordships to contemplate the eventful change that has taken place in the energies of that people, and the extent of her power to bring those energies into execution! France is now mistress of the continent. That dominion for which under Louis XIV. they so actively but ineffectually struggled, she has now acquired. The independence of Europe is lost; the balance of power destroyed. Russia, incapable longer to oppose, is made wholly subservient. The hordes of Italy and Germany are now apportioned to recruit her numerous armies; whilst she has at her disposal the means of all the maritime powers of Europe;-in addition to all those means, the too probable ac quisition of the Spanish peninsula. What is the inference from all? It is this: that looking at the extent of the resources of France, considering the spirit by which it is directed, and the character of its government, with its ruler, as I before said, not at the head of France but of Europe, it is on ourselves,

and ourselves alone, that we are to depend for our own safety." Here his lordship entered into a view of the contest as carried on in Spain and Portugal, condemning the policy of ministers, as well in respect to the war, as to their want of prudence and economy in the national expenditure, in men and in money; and he asked, "Is not this an additional reason to call upon your lordships to give some check to ministers persevering in such a mischievous cause? Ought they not to determine upon some systematic financial arrangement, impressed with the neces sity of avoiding any anticipation of our remaining resources, at least without making provision for difficulties foreseen? The next observation Iwish to make to your lordships is with reference to your paper circulation. I was one of the committee which was appointed at the period when the bank restriction act was recommended. I had steadily opposed such an expedient, for the evil of that day. I considered it a most novel device to have recourse to, being extremely inconsistent with all the maxims and habits of this country. I did dread that its most pernicious effect would be, to extend the circulation of paper so far that its depreciation would follow, and with that the great and numerous difficulties connected with the remedy of such an evil. That evil has arrived; and yet no step has been taken, on so delicate and important an occasion, by his majesty's government. It is true that the question had been taken up in the other house of parliament; and from the talents and research of an honourable friend of mine, on that committee (Mr. Horner), I had the hopes of deriving much infor mation on that subject. Still, I ask your lordships, if this was not of

sufficient

ufficient importance to claim your attention? The inconvenience was universally felt. It was felt in your exchange with foreign countries, and even the operations of war; those operations which that short sighted policy was intended to serve and assist, were now, by this very measure, as confessed by his majesty's government, crippled and confounded. Connected with our domestic policy, there were many other points; one of peculiar im portance was lately before the discussion of your lordships; namely, the catholic question. I will therefore not longer allude to it, but shall on every occasion contend that the sure means of strengthening yourselves against the attacks of the enemy, is by conciliation and confidence towards all classes of the king's subjects." His lordship next touched upon the necessity of economical and parliamentary reform: "It is," said he, "in my opinion, incumbent that we look to and correct their abuses, which have arisen through time, have injured the frame and corrupted the practice of our constitution. This correction is to be effected by a temperate, gradual, and judicious reform, suited to the nature of the evil, to the character of the government, and the principles of the constitution. I do not make this avowal to your lordships without the most deliberate circumspection. The question of reform has long been one of my most serious contemplation. I took an active part on that subject at an early age. I pursued my object with all. that eager hope, and sanguine expectation so natural to the ardour of youth. I will not say that in subsequent times there have not been some differences from my former impressions; but of this I assure

your lordships, that upon its great grounds it never has been abandoned by me. To the temperate and judicious reformation of abuses I am now a decided friend; and whenever it shall be brought for ward, from me it shall receive a sincere and anxious assistance. But I never did nor ever will rest my views of salutary reform upon the grounds of theoretic perfection; but am ever ready to correct by the constitution a practical inconvenience, where that inconvenience is practically felt. I disapprove of all those fanciful speculations in which some men would wish to engage. Upon that point I was formerly misrepresented by that description of persons who at this day continue the same course. The folly and presumption of the present day went to take up a new doctrine, that every branch and exercise of our constitution was defined by law, and only to be found in the statute book. I have ever understood, from all those able men, that the great and fundamental blessing of the British constitution was fixed in the co-operation and harmony of all its powers, all leading to the great object of a free and efficient government." [Here the noble lord entered into a vindication of his conduct in the year 1793, as a member of the "Friends of the Peo ple," in opposition to ministers, and to those also who went the lengths of major Cartwright and others, members of the "Constitution Society." "These," said he, "were my opinions in 1793. I now continue to retain them. These were the opinions of the men with whom I disclaimed all intercourse then: such are the chimæras of those persons with whom I disclaim intercourse now. I do not impute improper motives to any of

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