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man who, by opposing them, can do more than yourself to keep the States together.

Nothing can be less defensible, on any ground of right or policy, than an attempt to break up the Union on account of the election of Mr. Lincoln. This is no time for elaborate argument. I wish only to make a few points, stating them in the briefest manner, and appealing to your patriotism to give them a calm and candid consideration.

1. The election of a President in strict conformity to the requirements of the Constitution can, by no process of reasoning, be deemed a just cause of secession. It would be the weakest of all positions as a ground for action. An overt act in palpable violation of the Constitution is the only justifiable cause for seeking to throw off the obligations of the federal compact.

2. The opinions of Mr. Lincoln, as a private individual, are not to be assumed as the guide of his official conduct as Chief Magistrate. At the hustings, as we all know, men often utter sentiments which they would be the last to carry into practice, when the responsibilities of government are thrown upon them, and they are acting under the obligation of an oath. There is every reason to believe that Mr. Lincoln will be forced, whatever may be his personal opinions, to separate himself from the ultraism of the party which has elected him.

3. The majority of both Houses of Congress will be opposed to the incoming administration, so that all hostile legislation in regard to the South, even if it should be attempted, would be impossible.

4. Our defeat is not due to the slavery question alone. Other and equally influential elements entered into the contest, and contributed largely to the result. The Democratic party was divided and disorganized by causes which it is unnecessary to enumerate. Our discomfiture is due as much to ourselves as to our opponents.

5. The Republican party, from the very principles of its organization, must have a brief existence. It contains within itself the elements of an early dissolution. Its sectionalism alone must speedily demoralize and destroy it.

6. The Democrats of the North, since the adoption of the compromise measures of 1851, have stood up firmly in defence of your rights. Inconsistent as it may seem with our recent defeat, there is a better knowledge of our constitutional obligations, and a firmer determination to stand by you, than there ever has been heretofore. I know that the statute books of several of the States are dishonored by enactments designed to defeat the execution of the Act of Congress for the restoration of fugitive slaves. But these enactments are, and must continue to be, utterly nugatory, and the Act of Congress will, under any administration, be carried into effect.

Under all these circumstances nothing could be more unwise than a movement to dissolve the Union, even if it were not obnoxious to the graver objection that there is nothing in the mere election of a President to warrant it.

But I put the question with you on other grounds. You cannot in honor desert us in our adversity. Your defeat is ours. We have fought your battles without regard to the political consequences to ourselves. It is neither chivalrous nor brave to draw off because the common adversary has gained a momentary advantage, and leave us to continue the contest for justice and right without the support we have given to you. There is but one course for magnanimous men, and that is to stand by us in our extremity. You cannot abandon us without subjecting yourselves to the imputation of unworthily deserting your friends and allies. I call on you, as one who knows, to bear testimony to the fidelity with which we have sustained you, and I appeal to you, as one keenly alive to the honorary obligation which such a fidelity imposes, to stand by us yourself, and to exert your powerful influence with others to avert a calamity which would be most disastrous to us all, and to the cause of free government throughout the world.

I have written to you with more freedom, perhaps, than my personal relations with you warrant. But I have the right, which every man possesses, to speak unreservedly to another, in whose patriotism and honor he has full confidence. Besides, the crisis demands frankness in speech and decision in action ; and as a friend of the Union, believing that its dissolution would inevitably entail disaster and disgrace on us all-on those who should go out, as well as those who should remain in it-I hold it my duty to speak as boldly, and, if need be, to act as fearlessly, in its defence as others are speaking and acting for its destruction.

Let me, then, once more appeal to you and our Southern friends, as honorable men, to remain with us and to meet with us, whatever emergencies of good or ill the coming administration may bring with it. And let me assure you, on the fullest consideration, that any overt act in violation of your rights would be met here with as much promptitude and with as stern a resistance, even to the death, as it would be by yourselves. I am, dear Sir, with sincere regard, truly yours,

John A. Dix.


(Vol. II., page 35.)


State of Maryland, Executive Chamber,

Annapolis, November 2, 1861. Major-general John A. Dix, U.S. A.:

DEAR SIR,—I beg you excuse this trespass, and attribute it to the (perhaps) too great solicitude felt in regard to our election, to come off on next Wednesday. I know many of the devices being resorted to by the insidious enemies of the Union, and their determination (and desperation) to carry the election by the Secession National Democratic Peace Party, with all other deceivable names and efforts.

I confess I have but little fear; but to fight men, desperate, behind masked batteries, on hill-tops and in valleys, on housetops and cellars, you have to be vigilant, and show them no quarter. I wrote you hurriedly a few days since in regard to sending a small armed force over the Long Bridge into Anne Arundel County, adjacent to Baltimore City, to put a stop to the transportation of contraband goods; in fact, to keep the enemies of the Government from overawing loyal men. Mr. Dunbar, one of our candidates, promised to see you and explain; but he may fail, and I write. I repeat, I have but little fear, and yet may be deceived. I take for granted, if the rebels succeed by villany (they can in no other way), the Government will capture the successful, in which none will be more ready to act in any capacity suited to the purpose than shall I. Whether that action shall be most available in the Executive Chamber or the battle-field shall, as then determined best, be devoted to our suffering country in support of the Union.

Colonel Morse is doing good service here; but his force is run out, else we would not trouble you. I should say too that General Lockwood is doing us good service on the Eastern Shore.

If I appear to you too anxious, excuse it. I have, or rather my country has much at stake. I am peculiarly situated, as you know, and yet for myself I care little. To know I am right is all. My span of life is nearly out; but when that is ended my country will be here, and if only united a great, indivisible country, as heretofore, then I can repose in a small modicum of her territory in peace. Trusting that all may-will work together good, I have the honor to be, with great respect, Your obedient servant,

Tuomas A. Hicks.

Head-quarters, Department of Pennsylvania,

Baltimore, Md., November 1, 1861. To the United States Marshal of Maryland and the Provost

marshal of the City of Baltimore: Information has come to my knowledge that certain individuals, who formerly resided in this State, and are known to have been recently in Virginia bearing arms against the authority and the forces of the United States, have returned to their former homes, with the intention of taking part in the election of the 6th of November instant, thus carrying out at the polls the treason they have committed in the field.

There is reason also to believe that other individuals, lately residents of Maryland, who have been engaged in similar acts of hostility to the United States, or in actively aiding and abetting those in arms against the United States, are about to participate in the election for the same treacherous purpose, with the hope of carrying over the State, by disloyal votes, to the cause of rebellion and treason.

I, therefore, by virtue of the authority vested in me to arrest all persons in rebellion against the United States, require you to take into custody all such persons in any of the election districts or precincts in which they may appear at the polls to effect their criminal attempts to convert the elective franchise into an engine for the subversion of the Government, and for the encouragement and support of its enemies.

In furtherance of this object, I request the Judges of Election of the several districts and precincts of the State, in case any such person shall present himself and offer his vote, to commit him until he can be taken into custody by the authority of the United States.

And I call on all good and loyal citizens to support the Judges of Election, the United States Marshal and his deputies, and the Provost-marshal of Baltimore and the police, in their efforts to secure a free and fair expression of the voice of the people of Maryland, and at the same time to prevent the ballot - boxes from being polluted by treasonable votes.

(Signed) John A. Dıx, Major-general Commanding.

New York, November 7, 1563. MY DEAR Sır,—I have just seen your letter to the President. General Schenck's order I have not seen. You have quoted from my proclamation of the 1st of November; but there is a letter to the Judges of Election in a certain precinct near Baltimore, in which I declined to order the oath of allegiance, or any other test, to be required of voters, taking the ground that the Constitution and laws of Maryland established the qualification of voters, and that I could not interfere with them. I think the letter was written about the 1st of November. It is in the Letter Book at the Department Head-quarters at Baltimore. I also telegraphed Mr. Dodge from Fort McHenry, the night before the election, requiring him to use every effort to prevent any interference with the free exercise of the right of suffrage. I remember saying to him that there was no difficulty in controlling Maryland by force, but that this was not what we wanted. We wished to show that we could control it by the power of opinion, and that we must, in order to satisfy the country the people were on our side, leave them to an unbiassed expression of their wishes. A copy of this despatch ought to be in the hands of Mr. Dodge, Provost - marshal. It is in the telegraph office at the Department Head-quarters. I write without knowing what the precise point of disagreement is, except so far as I can infer it from your letter.

I am, truly yours,

Joux A. Dix. Ilis Excellency A. W. BRADFORD.

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