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himself is not more ingenious in divining the passion that would fain lie concealed, and in drawing forth the secret of the heart." Indeed there is evidence throughout of D'Urfé's acquaintance with the world as an experimental moralist." M. Girardin insists on this characteristic. "What judicious thoughts, what profound or piquant ones come unexpectedly upon us in the Astræa!' 'Bear in mind,' says one of the characters to his brother, who is for making a mariage de fantaisie,' bear in mind, my brother, that marriage makes or unmakes a man.' Yes, marriage advances or else puts back a man in the world: sometimes, too, it fixes him where it finds him, which is but another way of putting him back. All this is true: but who would expect to find this entirely practical and worldly-wise maxim in a romance consecrated to love?

"In politics, again, D'Urfé shows the same experience in men and things, the same penetration. I quite see, Alcidon, that by associating with princes you have come to share their nature, which is to give no thought except to what touches them, and to be utterly careless as to the interests of others. You care little about what may happen after you are away, provided only, that while you remain, you may do so without being disturbed.' I understand, D'Urfé: you have been a Leaguer, you have served the princes of Lorraine, the Guises, so amiable and so seducing, and you have learnt that, alike for usurping princes and legitimate, men are merely instruments to be changed when their use seems to be over. -Most princes,' says D'Urfé elsewhere, 'treat their subjects as we treat horses that have grown old in our service: the utmost favour we grant them is to put them in a corner of the stable, without further trouble about them; whereas in the case of those that can work, upon them we are careful to bestow every kind of pains.' Here D'Urfé had been listening to some old captain of Henri IV., when complaining of that good and able king, who first beat his enemies, and afterwards bought them, leaving to his friends the honour rather than the profit of the victory they had won together.-Of Henri IV. and his finesse, so happily disguised as bonhomie, we are frequently reminded by occasional traits of character in the Astræa;' this maxim, for instance: It is no small prudence in a king to oblige several persons by one single boon.' Here D'Urfé has divined beforehand the art of distributing favours under a parliamentary or popular government. Sometimes even his political experience seems gathered from examples and lessons in the school of Machiavel: 'When one prince,' he somewhere makes one of his characters say, 'is desirous of deceiving another, he must first of all dupe the ambassador he sends to him; for the ambassador, supposing what he says to be true, invents reasons and states them with an assurance he would not have if he thought he was telling lies.'"*

* Saint-Marc Girardin, Cours de Lit. dram. § xl. passim.

A BRIGHT VIEW OF REFORM.

It has for some few years been growing into a custom with our parliamentary sages that, during the period of the year which their predecessors more wisely devoted to pheasant shooting, they should undergo the peine forte et dure of meeting their constituents, and rendering what in political slang is called an account of their stewardship. During the past autumn this observance developed itself into a public nuisance, and it was impossible to enjoy the Times with the matutinal muffin without unconsciously drifting into several columns of common-place verbiage which effectually destroyed the appetite. Worse than all, these speeches were accompanied by one refrain-Reform, and it seemed as if our constitution must be in a state of rapid atrophy, so numerous were the doctors who came forward to suggest their recipes. The dean of the faculty, Mr. Bright, has positively given up his private practice to amend the health of the country, and has been wandering about, at his own sweet will, administering reform pills like a political Doctor Dulcamara, which would infallibly cure all the diseases under the sun. It seems to us, however, that reform, like charity, should begin at home, and that these gentlemen should attempt to improve their language, for, even if a man be a radical, that is no excuse for brutality. Take, for instance, the speech Mr. Roebuck has just delivered at Sheffield, and the disgraceful remarks he allowed himself to make about the Emperor of the French. Surely no parliamentary licence should excuse such diatribes, which are unworthy of a man of honour. But it is the misfortune of your popular member that he must pander to the worst prejudices of his hearers, and though we can imagine him quitting the platform with his tongue in his cheek, and laughing secretly at the way in which he has gulled the mob, we feel sorry to find such men exciting hatred against our allies merely for the sake of bolstering up their evanescent popularity.

The plainest proof of the inherent weakness of the Liberal party will be found in the diametrically opposite views they hold as to this momentous question of reform. While Mr. Bright is advocating republican principles, and, like the serpent in the fable, blunting his teeth against the file, by trying to overthrow our time-honoured aristocracy, many of his colleagues openly express their disapproval of such revolutionary tendencies. Led astray as they may be by false views of political economystung, perchance, by an ambitious desire to have a share in the government-they are, before all, Englishmen, and hold in due reverence that glorious constitution of which we all feel so proud. They have no desire to carry out Mr. Bright's theories to their logical sequence, and not even the bribe of universal suffrage would induce them to exchange our government for that magnificent democratic tyranny which prevails in Mr. Bright's pattern country. The orator of Birmingham, though dangerous at the outset, soon rendered himself ridiculous by the exaggeration to which he was forced to have recourse. Each time the speech had to be more strongly spiced or it would have palled; and at length, all rightminded men, on hearing such revolutionary doctrines promulgated, took the alarm, and Mr. Bright's dazzling oratory for once failed in its effect.

VOL. XLV.

I

Mr. Bright, naturally a clever man, noticed that he was losing ground by his insidious attacks on all that Englishmen hold dear, and he has completely altered his tactics, by addressing his Bradford audience with an unwonted degree of moderation, and holding up a flattering picture of Reform which must dazzle the unthinking. But a very slight consideration of his speech shows us the old sad story. Whenever Mr. Bright rises to speak, he desires to give utterance to his rooted aversion for our aristocracy. At the outset of his political campaign, he held the higher classes up to popular odium; now, he desires to strip them of their influence, and thus tear down the only bulwark left between ourselves and anarchy. Most crafty are his suggestions as to Reform, and well adapted to flatter his hearers; but his whole scheme resolves itself into this the nobility of England must be deprived of their influence, in favour of the manufacturers. We have yet to learn, however, that the latter are the only class of society suited to administer our national affairs, and, for our own part, we confess a preference for those gentlemen whom birth and certain wealth place above suspicion. In a word, we would sooner see the country governed by men who can afford to be disinterested, than leave it a prey to tradesmen, who can never forget the shop even when the honour of England is at stake.

His

Mr. Bright is doubtlessly most ambitious: it is equally undoubted that he does not suffer from any undue depreciation of his own talents. By flattering the new constituencies which he proposes into a notion that they are badly treated, he secures for himself a strong party, if a compromise be effected, while, by basing his reform on the Whig propositions of 1854, he hopes to attract to his side many waverers. greatest want at the present time is a "tail," for, without it, he cannot grasp the object of his ambition; but he knows perfectly well that in the present House he cannot secure another ally. He has everything to hope, then, by subverting the old system, and if only half his reforms were carried out, he would be a considerable gainer. Still, we hold that the common sense of the nation has decided against him, and he has learned that there is a great gulf fixed between the leader of the mob and the leader of the House. Hence, we believe that the dread of his influence has been exaggerated, and that our aristocracy acted wisely in treating his attacks with calm contempt.

Lord Derby has promised Parliamentary Reform, and, of course, will keep his word. For our own part, we believe that if the country were canvassed, nine-tenths of the population would prefer standing on the ancient ways, but the cry has been raised, and Lord Derby is pledged to introduce a measure. That it will be satisfactory to all but the Radical party we firmly believe; and we are certainly of opinion that there are several inequalities which require levelling. The Reform Bill of 1832, was extorted from a Whig government by the towns; they reaped all the supposititious benefit at the expense of the agriculturists, and we sincerely hope Lord Derby will take this into consideration in adjusting the balance of power by the bill of 1859. Every measure taken by the present administration during its tenure of office leads to the belief that Lord Derby will be true to himself in this most difficult matter, and we are sure that his colleagues will be equally well disposed. This view is confirmed by the fact that the Conservative government have actually won the applause of the country by the vigorous reform measures they have intro

duced, as will be evident at once, if we take a cursory glance at the changes introduced by each branch of the administration.

In the first place, let us take the ministry of foreign affairs: here we find the whole system revolutionised. During those evil days, when Lord Clarendon was acting as head clerk to the warlike premier, we were continually eating the leek. Every opportunity for bluster was eagerly accepted, but whenever we had to do with a powerful opponent, the matter was hushed up as soon as possible. Look at the dignified manner in which a Whig ministry behaved in the Pacifico business, or again in that most unpleasant complication with America during the Crimean war, when our diplomatic warrior at once ran away from the field, and begged the Americans to think no more about it. What a contrast is presented by the conduct of Lord Malmesbury; he, too, has had his complications (the worst left him as a legacy by his predecessor), and yet see how nobly he emerged from them all, without in any way compromising the dignity of England. We now stand in the most friendly relations with Austria, which never could have been effected during the rule of Lord Palmerston and though at perfect amity with the whole civilised world, peace is rendered more and more secure by the dignified position our new foreign minister has known how to assume.

Or, again, look at Lord Stanley, the regenerator of India, who, by his proclamation, has effected more than all our troops could have done. So difficult and complicated was the task of restoring confidence that a failure would have been quite pardonable, and yet Lord Stanley, with his extraordinary genius, has surpassed the fondest hopes of the country. The pacification of India is now ensured, and, better still, we know that the new government will inaugurate those principles of justice and good administration, the want of which did so much to bring about the lamentable revolt. And it is a lord again who has deserved so well of his country! O Mr. Bright, Mr. Bright, when you were trying to lower our aristocracy in the eyes of your audience, we wish some still small voice had whispered in your ear the name of Lord Stanley had it been so, you would have withdrawn your remarks at once, for though you allow your passion to carry you away too often, we believe you in your heart an honest man, ever ready to apologise for any error into which your prejudices cause you to fall. But, come, you have a locus penitentiæ left you still so soon as you have recovered your wind after your recent exertions, and are prepared to harangue your partisans once more, you will remember the name of Lord Stanley, and be ready to allow that there is one shining light, at any rate, still left among our nobility.

Or, take another instance: let us glance for a moment at what our army and navy authorities have been doing in the way of reform. When General Peel took office our military service was essentially unpopular; the remembrance of the ill-treatment to which the land transport had been exposed rankled in the hearts of our countrymen, and recruits came in slowly and reluctantly. In the last nine months our army has been raised to an effective strength of 220,000 men—a far larger number than we had during any period of the Crimean war; and, so great is the confidence felt in the present government, that recruits flock in daily. But this is not all: considering the short interval of time, the reforms that have been introduced are really marvellous; every defect to which

military reformers have been for years drawing the public attention is in a fair way of being corrected, and justice has been done to that most deserving body of men, the army surgeons, who, for years, have been appealing in vain to successive Whig administrations. The new army warrant is also a great step in advance, and all bids fair to the hope that our army ere long will be placed on the same footing, as regards efficiency, as any of those belonging to the continental powers. Nor has Sir John Pakington been idle: to him we owe the existence of a Channel fleet, which, though at present small, will serve as the nucleus for a grand display of force, while the utmost exertions are being employed to hurry on the magnificent vessels now building. The remarks on this subject made by the First Lord at the Colonial dinner will be hailed with satisfaction by the nation.

Most heartily may we also congratulate our Colonial Minister on the earnest manner in which he has set about introducing a more satisfactory relation between our outlying dependencies and the mother country. With the coup de patte he gave the Antiguans on his assumption of office, he established the principle that colonies are bound to defend themselves, and not send home for assistance whenever a local outbreak occurs; his next step was to found the new province of British Columbia; and lastly, he has conscientiously striven to pacify those turbulent and disaffected Ionians, who have been a thorn in our side ever since we undertook the protectorate. Mr. Gladstone has consented to accept the governor-generalship in lieu of Sir John Young, and the government have thus gained a valuable ally, who will honestly attempt to rectify any existing abuses, and render the inhabitants of the Ionian Islands more tolerant of the easy yoke that presses upon them.

As regards home affairs, the measures introduced by the present government have been equally satisfactory, for they evidence an honesty of purpose, and a hearty desire to promote the best interests of the nation. The liberally progressive measures to which we have alluded, and which deservedly form the pride of Lord Derby's administration, justify us in the belief that the coming Reform Bill will be as extensive as the good sense of the country can demand. That it will satisfy all parties is manifestly impossible; but if it gain the suffrages of the intelligent middle classes, Lord Derby can afford to laugh at all the attacks of disappointed place-seekers, for he will have the hearty support of the really influential portion of our population.

par

Regarding the true interests of the country, we have much reason to regret that Lord Derby has tied himself by a rash promise, which, like Jephthah's vow, may entail terrible consequences, if the attention of liament is to be devoted exclusively to that dreary subject of Reform with which we are already sated. Representative reform may be a very good thing, but we humbly conceive that it requires certain conditions to ensure its success. At a moment when a flame may burst forth on the Continent, when the tranquillity of Europe depends on the nod of one man, we should be setting our house in order, and hold ourselves prepared for any eventualities. No man in the United Kingdom (always excepting Mr. Bright and the rest of the topases) can say that England is now in a satisfactory posture of defence. The Indian catastrophe has drained the country of its best blood, and heavy demands are still being