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relation to the late men in power; and to assure you that, whatever I have done, or said, or written, has proceeded from no other motive, than the love of that which I think truth. For merely as to my own affairs, I could not wish any man in authority, in preference to your Lordship, who favour those who become your dependants with a greater liberality of heart, than any man whom I have before observed. When I had the honour of a short conversation with your Lordship, you were pleased not only to signify to me, that I should remain in this office, but also to add, that if I would name to you any one of more value, that would be more commodious to me, you would favour me in it. I am now, my Lord, going out of any particular dependance on your Lordship, and shall tell you with the freedom of an indifferent man, that it is impossible for any man, who thinks and has public spirit, not to tremble at seeing his country, in its present circumstances, in the hands of so daring a genius. If incidents should arise, that should place your safety and what ambitious men call greatness, in a balance against the public good, our all depends on your choice, under such a temptation. You have my hearty prayers to heaven, to avert all such dangers from you. "f thank your Lordship for the regard and distinction which you have at sundry times shewn me, and wish you, with your country's good, all happiness and prosperity. Share, my Lord, your good fortune with whom you will: while it lasts, you will want no friends; but if any adverse day happens to you, and I live to see it, you will find, that I think myself obliged to be your friend and advocate. This is talking in a strange dialect to the first man of the nation, by a private person: but to desire only a little, exalts a man's condition to a level with those who want a great deal. I beg your Lordship's pardon, and am, with great respect, "My Lord,

"Your Lordship's most obedient,

and most humble servant,
"RICHARD STEELE."

By the freedom of this declaration to the Premier of the country, he shewed that it was not his intention to preserve any degree of neutrality or conciliation with the party in power. To awaken the suspicions of the nation against the French and their adherents, he published

August 7, 1713, his famous Guardian, (N° 128) upon the demolition of Dunkirk. It had been stipulated that three months after the signing of the peace, (which took place in March preceding) the works of this town towards sea and land should be destroyed: but the magistrates, in disregard of the articles, were making earnest solicitation that the mole and dykes should be spared. The Guardian therefore argued with just warmth against their impudent and faithless request. He had headed his paper with the memorable words of Cato, Delenda est Carthago; and as this was the burden of the great Roman's speeches, so the Guardian in the beginning, middle, and end of his argument, affirmed "The British nation expect the immediate demolition of Dunkirk;" an expression to which his opponents endeavoured to give the construction of a seditious threat. He ended "I cannot go on for indignation; but pray God that our mercy to Francis may not expose us to the mercy of France."

In October following, the Guardian was abandoned, and he enjoyed a fuller range of political discussion in a paper called the Englishman. Not satisfied, however, with the diffusion which this gave to his sentiments, he published a tract called "The Crisis, or a discourse representing from the most authentic records the just causes of the late happy revolution, and the several settlements of the crown of England and Scotland on her majesty; and, on the demise of her majesty without issue, upon the most illustrious Princess Sophia, Electress and Duchess Dowager of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants, by previous acts of both parliaments of the late kingdoms of England and Scotland, and confirmed by the parliament of Great Britain, with some seasonable remarks on the danger of a popish successor.' In this work, the title of which indicates its scope and nature, he was assisted by the legal abilities of his friend Mr. More, of the Inner Temple and in the revision of the performance, he was guided by the judgment of Addison, and other friends, upon whose understanding he could rely. But notwithstanding the care and criticism of so many coadjutors, the work, upon its appearance, soon collected a storm of fury around the author's head. He had to contend both with the virulence of Swift and other writers, who were able to

kindle the public indignation against him, and also with the power of the predominating party, which he had deserted and defied. At a time when the rancor of political animosity was most vehement, it was not to be expected that he could escape with impunity from the fierce combination of authority and talent.

In the new Parliament, which assembled in March, 1714, he took his seat as member for Stockbridge in Dorsetshire. His senatorial dignity did not last long. He was almost immediately indicted before the House for certain offensive paragraphs in the Englishman and the Crisis: and notwithstanding all that justice or eloquence could urge in his defence, the charge against him was corroborated by a majority of 245 to 152. It was therefore "Resolved, that a printed pamphlet, intitled The Englishman, being the close of the papers so called, and one other pamphlet intitled The Crisis, written by Richard Steele, Esq. a member of this House, are scandalous and seditious libels, highly reflecting upon her Majesty, upon the nobility, clergy, gentry, and universities of this kingdom; maliciously insinuating, that the protestant succession in the House of Hanover is in danger under her Majesty's administration, and tending to alienate her Majesty's good subjects, and to create jealousies and divisions among them."

"Resolved, that Richard Steele, Esq. for his offence in writing and publishing the said scandalous and seditious libels, be expelled this House."

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Whatever disgrace it was intended to affix upon him by this punishment, it was all annulled by the patriotic magnanimity of his conduct. In his intentions (which were plainly opposite to his immediate preferment and advantage) he at least deserves the praise of sincerity and uprightness and if he was too warm and impetuous in forwarding them, the magnitude of the interests at stake was such as to exclude all indifference, and to endanger the moderation of the coolest statesmen. Subsequent events, and the exposure of political intrigues, have proved that the Hanoverian succession was not exempt from all danger: and Steele's devotion of himself in the cause at least served to sharpen the vigilant caution of one party, and to repress the confidence of the other, and diminish the number of their advocates. After his ex

pulsion he was actively employed with his pen. He offered proposals for a History of the Duke of Marlborough ; which were abortive according to that fatality which so long suppressed all the intended memorials of the great warrior. From Feb. to May 1714 he was engaged in a periodical paper called the The Lover, which appeared three times a week. It was, somewhat similar to the Tatler, but was not prolonged beyond forty numbers. Bounding again into politics he renewed the struggle with his adversary the Examiner, in a paper called the Reader, which after nine numbers was closed. In this publication and the Lover, Addison lent him some aid.

He addressed in the same year (1714) a Letter to Sir Miles Wharton concerning occasional Peers; in which to prevent an unjust exertion of ministerial influence, he proposed that no one should enjoy a suffrage in the house of Lords, till after three years' possession of his dignity. Recurring to an old topic, he wrote "French Faith represented in the present state of Dunkirk; a letter to the Examiner in defence of Mr. Steele." When some severe and unjust restrictions were going to be laid upon the Dissenters, he published in their behalf A letter to a Member of Parliament. With less friendly dispositions towards the Papists, he gave from his own pen The Romish Ecclesiastical History of late years, and in 1715 reprinted the translation of an Italian book called The State of the Roman Catholic Religion throughout the World, written for the use of Pope Innocent the X1th.

In the mean time the death of Queen Anne, which happened on the 1st of August, 1714, shortened the period of his humiliation, drove his enemies from power, and enlivened his prospects with the splendour of regal and popular favour. His Majesty George the First rewarded the services of one, who had both suffered and written in behalf of his august family, with the office of surveyor of the royal stables at Hampton Court, and the authority of justice of the peace for the county of Middlesex. As a further mark of his gracious approbation, he shortly afterterwards distinguished him with the rank of knighthood. Steele with triumphant superiority took his seat as representative for Boroughbridge in Yorkshire, in that House where his enemies had occasioned him so transient a defeat.

His fortune was considerably augmented by being appointed Governor of the Royal Company of Comedians. His great taste and knowledge in theatrical affairs qualified him for such an office: besides which he had conferred no inconsiderable benefit upon the company of Drury-lane by taking notice of their performances in his Tatlers, by developing the merits of their best actors, and by refining the judgment of the public respecting dramatic exhibitions. Upon the demise of the Queen, he was solicited by the managers to obtain a renewal of their licence, which he readily effected. For their greater security, a royal patent was afterwards granted them, and Sir Richard, as chief patentee, enjoyed an annual income of £1000. While he was in his political zenith, he was not forbearing enough to abstain from all kinds of retaliation upon his adversaries. In 1715, he collected his political writings into one volume, and incorporated with them the "Apology" of his own conduct. He began also a second volume of the Englishman, and published a Letter from the Earl of Mar to the King before his Majesty's arrival in England, which contained some reflections on his Lordship's subsequent actions.

In 1716, he was flying with inconstancy from one periodical attempt to another. He commenced a series of letters called Town Talk, to a lady in the country; which personage was his own wife. This reached only nine numbers: and while engaged in it, he began another paper called The Tea Table, and, quickly afterwards, a third called Chit Chat, both of which expired after three numbers.

Upon the extinction of the rebellion in 1717, he was placed upon the commission for forfeited estates, and visited Scotland with much hospitable splendour. He cherished a desire of cementing an ecclesiastical union between the northern and southern kingdoms of the Island; but naturally failed in an attempt, which others with much greater power could not accomplish. With a strange versatility of mind he entered, on his return from Scotland, upon a project very different from speculations of church government. As the inhabitants of London could not at that time supply their tables with the luxury of salmon, except at an enormous charge, he conceived the design of carrying fish alive from the coast of Ireland to the metropolis. Accord

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