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the breasts of those, who have had their houses, farms, and towns so lately destroyed, and relations scalped under the conduct of these royalists, is not wonderful; though I believe the opposition given by many to their reëstablishing among us is owing to a firm persuasion, that there could be no reliance on their oaths; and that the effect of receiving those people again would be an introduction of that very anarchy and confusion they falsely reproach us with. Even the example you propose, of the English Commonwealth's restoring the estates of the royalists after their being subdued, seems rather to countenance and encourage our acting differently, as probably if the power, which always accompanies property, had not been restored to the royalists, if their estates had remained confiscated, and their persons had been banished, they could not have so much contributed to the restoration of kingly power, and the new government of the republic might have been more durable.
The majority of examples in your history are on the other side of the question. All the estates in England and south of Scotland, and most of those possessed by the descendants of the English in Ireland, are held from ancient confiscations made of the estates of Caledonians and Britons, the original possessors in your island, or the native Irish, in the last century only. It is but a few months since, that your Parliament has, in a few instances, given up confiscations incurred by a rebellion suppressed forty years ago. The war against us was begun by a general act of Parliament, declaring all our estates confiscated; and probably one great motive to the loyalty of the royalists was the hope of sharing in these confiscations. They have played a deep game, staking their estates against ours; and they have been unsuccessful. But
it is a surer game, since they had promises to rely on from your government, of indemnification in case of loss; and I see your Parliament is about to fulfil those promises. To this I have no objection, because, though still our enemies, they are men; they are in necessity; and I think even a hired assassin has a right to his pay from his employer. It seems too more reasonable, that the expense of paying these should fall upon the government who encouraged the mischief done, rather than upon us who suffered it; the confiscated estates making amends but for a very small part of that mischief. It is not, therefore, clear, that our retaining them is chargeable with injustice.
I have hinted above, that the name loyalist was improperly assumed by these people. Royalists they may perhaps be called. But the true loyalists were the people of America, against whom they acted. No people were ever known more truly loyal, and universally so, to their sovereigns. The Protestant succession in the House of Hanover was their idol. Not a Jacobite was to be found from one end of the Colonies to the other. They were affectionate to the people of England, zealous and forward to assist in her wars, by voluntary contributions of men and money, even beyond their proportion. The King and Parliament had frequently acknowledged this by public messages, resolutions, and reimbursements. But they were equally fond of what they esteemed their rights; and, if they resisted when those were attacked, it was a resistance in favor of a British constitution, which every Englishman might share in enjoying, who should come to live among them ; it was resisting arbitrary impositions, that were contrary to common right and to their fundamental constitutions, and to constant ancient usage. It was indeed a resistance in favor of
the liberties of England, which might have been endangered by success in the attempt against ours; and therefore a great man in your Parliament * did not scruple to declare, he rejoiced that America had resisted. I, for the same reason, may add this very resistance to the other instances of their loyalty. I have already said, that I think it just you should reward those Americans, who joined your troops in the war against their own country ; but, if ever honesty could be inconsistent with policy, it is so in this instance. I am, &c.
TO MRS. MARY HEWSON.
Passy, 26 June, 1785. DEAR FRIEND, I wrote to you the 5th of last month, and have since received your kind letters of the 8th, informing me of your welfare, and that of the dear children, which gave me great pleasure. I shall long to see you all again in America, where I hope to be soon. Almost all my things are now packed up, and will be in the barge next Wednesday, to go down the river; for, though I know not yet what vessel I shall go in, I would have every thing at Havre ready to embark ; and I suppose I shall not be here myself a fortnight longer.
I say nothing to persuade you to go with me or to follow me; because I know you do not usually act from persuasion, but from judgment; and, as that is very sound, I leave you to yourself. You will do what is best for you and yours, and that will give me most pleasure. Miss Lamotte's friends do not consent to her going to England. I enclose her letter, by which you will see, that, though she speaks the language prettily, she does not write it correctly. Indeed, abundance of the French are deficient in their own orthography. I offered her, as you desired, the money that might be necessary for the journey.
* The first Lord Chatham.
Temple is not yet quite well, having had several returns of his ague. Benjamin continues hearty, and has been very serviceable in packing. They both present their respects.
If you should write me a line before my departure, direct it to Havre de Grace. Adieu, my very dear friend, and believe me ever yours with sincerest respect and affection,
P. S. My love to every one of the children.
FROM RICHARD JACKSON TO B. FRANKLIN. State of Affairs produced by the Peace. — Great Britain. — France. - East Indies.
London, 27 June, 1785. MY DEAR SIR,
Though I wrote to you by your grandson, I cannot let Mr. Franklin, your son, visit you in France, without certifying my sincere good wishes, on your leaving Europe, that you may arrive safe, and long enjoy your health in America.*
You will arrive there deservedly covered with the glory of having had a large share in bringing about
* From this paragraph it would seem, that Governor Franklin designed to visit his father in France. But it does not appear that this design was accomplished. The father and son met at Northampton, when Dr. Franklin stopped there on his way to the United States.
an event, which I wish had not become necessary for the welfare of two great divisions of the English nation, or that, when it became so, it had been brought about with less profusion of blood and treasure. But the frame of human nature is inseparable from passions, that produce calamities, which the species will never be free from. It is, however, the part of the wise and good to afford that assistance to the species, which wisdom only can, and goodness only will give. I know I have no occasion to exhort you to this good work; but I have pleasure in assuring you, that I rely on the weight of your authority for establishing the opinion, that it is not only the interest of Great Britain and America to live upon good terms with one another, but that this friendship is perfectly compatible with a mutual friendship between France and both of them.
For my part, I entertain no apprehensions from the supposed ambition of that kingdom. It has frequently given proofs of its desire to preserve the peace of Europe, one very recent; and, except in the East Indies, the two kingdoms seem to have nothing to quarrel about. I except the East Indies, not because I think that either have any interest inconsistent with the interest of the other, but because I think it most likely, that one or the other may there mistake its interest. Sure I am, that it is the interest of Great Britain to make the trade of France perfectly easy there, and with such a secure and easy trade, I wish Great Britain could change situations with her ancient rival. Dominion at such a distance, and in a country where despotism seems the natural growth of the climate, cannot be well; and it cannot but in the end be mischievous to the State that possesses it, however the wealth it produces may force for a time the appear