ready and stern resistance. I believe that involuntary servitude, as it exists in different states of this confederacy, is recognised by the Constitution. I believe that it stands like any other admitted right, and that the states where it exists are entitled to efficient remedies to enforce the constitutional provisions. I hold that the laws of 1850, commonly called the "compromise measures," are strictly constitutional, and to be unhesitatingly carried into effect. I believe that the constituted authorities of this republic are bound to regard the rights of the South in this respect, as they would view any other legal and constitutional right; and that the laws to enforce them should be respected and obeyed, not with a reluctance encouraged by abstract opinions as to their propriety in a different state of society, but cheerfully, and according to the decisions of the tribunal to which their exposition belongs. Such have been, and are, my convictions, and upon them I shall act. I fervently hope that the question is at rest, and that no sectional, or ambitious, or fanatical excitement may again threaten the durability of our institutions, or obscure the light of our prosperity.

But let not the foundation of our hope rest upon man's wisdom. It will not be sufficient that sectional prejudices find no place in the public deliberations. It will not be sufficient that the rash counsels of human passion are rejected. It must be felt there is no national security but in the nation's humble, acknowledged dependence upon God and his overruling providence.

We have been carried in safety through a perilous crisis. Wise counsels, like those which gave us the constitution, prevailed to uphold it. Let the period be remembered as an admonition, and not as an encouragement, in any section of the Union, to make experiments where experiments are fraught with such fearful hazard. Let it be impressed upon all hearts, that, beautiful as our fabric is, no earthly power or wisdom could ever reunite its broken fragments. Standing as I do almost within view of the green slopes of Monticello, and, as it were, within reach of the tomb of Washington, with all the cherished memories of the past gathering around me, like so many eloquent voices of exhortation from Heaven, I can express no better hope for my country, than that the kind Providence which smiled upon our fathers may enable their children to preserve the blessings they have inherited.

FIRST ANNUAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 5, 1853.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives: THE interest with which the people of the republic anticipate the assembling of Congress, and the fulfilment, on that occasion, of the duty imposed upon a new president, is one of the best evidences of their capacity to realize the hopes of the founders of a political system, at once complex and symmetrical. While the different branches of the government are, to a certain extent, independent of each other, the duties of all, alike, have direct reference to the source of power. Fortunately, under this system, no man is so high and none so humble in the scale of

public station as to escape from the scrutiny, or to be exemp. from the responsibility, which all official functions imply.

Upon the justice and intelligence of the masses, in a government thus organized, is the sole reliance of the confederacy, and the only security for honest and earnest devotion to its interests, against the usurpations and encroachments of power on the one hand, and the assaults of personal ambition on the other.

The interest of which I have spoken is inseparable from an inquiring, self-governing community, but stimulated, doubtless, at the present time, by the unsettled condition of our relations with several foreign powers; by the new obligations resulting from a sudden extension of the field of enterprise; by the spirit with which that field has been entered, and the amazing energy with which its resources for meeting the demands of humanity have been developed.

Although disease, assuming at one time the characteristics of a widespread and devastating pestilence, has left its sad traces upon some portions of our country, we have still the most abundant cause for reverent thankfulness to God for an accumulation of signal mercies showered upon us as a nation. It is well that a consciousness of rapid advancement and increasing strength be habitually associated with an abiding sense of dependence upon Him who holds in his hands the destiny of men and of nations.

Recognising the wisdom of the broad principle of absolute religious toleration proclaimed in our fundamental law, and rejoicing in the benigr influence which it has exerted upon our social and political condition, I should shrink from a clear duty, did I fail to express my deepest conviction, that we can place no secure reliance upon any apparent progress if it be not sustained by national integrity, resting upon the great truths affirmed and illustrated by divine revelation. In the midst of our sorrow for the afflicted and suffering, it has been consoling to see how promptly disaster made true neighbors of districts and cities separated widely from each other, and cheering to watch the strength of that common bond of brotherhood which unites all hearts, in all parts of this Union, when danger threatens from abroad, or calamity impends over us at home.

Our diplomatic relations with foreign powers have undergone no essential change since the adjournment of the last Congress. With some of them, questions of a disturbing character are still pending, but there are good reasons to believe that these may all be amicably adjusted.

For some years past, Great Britain has so construed the first article of the convention of the 20th of April, 1818, in regard to the fisheries on the northeastern coast, as to exclude our citizens from some of the fishing-grounds, to which they freely resorted for nearly a quarter of a century subsequent to the date of that treaty. The United States have never acquiesced in this construction, but have always claimed for their fishermen all the rights which they had so long enjoyed without molestation. With a view to remove all difficulties on the subject, to extend the rights of our fishermen beyond the limits fixed by the convention of 1818, and to regulate trade between the United States and the British North American provinces, a negotiation has been opened, with a fair prospect of a favorable result. To protect our fishermen in the enjoyment of their rights, and prevent collision between them and British fishermen, I deemed it expedient to station a naval force in that quarter during the fishing season.

Embarrassing questions have also arisen between the two governments in regard to Central America. Great Britain has proposed to settle them by an amicable arrangement, and our minister at London is instructed to enter into negotiations on that subject.

A commission for adjusting the claims of our citizens against Great Britain, and those of British subjects against the United States, organized under the convention of the 8th of February last, is now sitting in London for the transaction of business.

It is in many respects desirable that the boundary line between the United States and the British provinces in the northwest, as designated in the convention of the 15th of June, 1846, and especially that part which separates the territory of Washington from the British possessions on the north, should be traced and marked. I therefore present the subject to your notice.

The

With France our relations continue on the most friendly footing. extensive commerce between the United States and that country might, it is conceived, be released from some unnecessary restrictions, to the mutual advantage of both parties. With a view to this object, some progress has been made in negotiating a treaty of commerce and navigation.

Independently of our valuable trade with Spain, we have important political relations with her, growing out of our neighborhood to the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. I am happy to announce, that since the last Congress no attempts have been made, by unauthorized expeditions within the United States, against either of those colonies. Should any movement be manifested within our limits, all the means at my command will be vigorously exerted to repress it. Several annoying occurrences have taken place at Havana, or in the vicinity of the island of Cuba, between our citizens and the Spanish authorities. Considering the proximity of that island to our shores-lying, as it does, in the track of trade between some of our principal cities-and the suspicious vigilance with which foreign intercourse, particularly that with the United States, is there guarded, a repetition of such occurrences may well be apprehended. As no diplomatic intercourse is allowed between our consul at Havana and the captain-general of Cuba, ready explanations can not be made, or prompt redress afforded, where injury has resulted. All complaint on the part of our citizens, under the present arrangement, must be, in the first place, presented to this government and then referred to Spain. Spain again refers it to her local authorities in Cuba for investigation, and postpones an answer till she has heard from those authorities. To avoid these irritating and vexatious delays, a proposition has been made to provide for a direct appeal for redress to the captain-general by our consul, in behalf of our injured fellow-citizens. Hitherto, the gov ernment of Spain has declined to enter into any such arrangement. This course on her part is deeply regretted; for, without some arrangement of this kind, the good understanding between the two countries may be exposed to occasional interruption. Our minister at Madrid is instructed to renew the proposition, and to press it again upon the consideration of her catholic majesty's government.

For several years Spain has been calling the attention of this government to a claim for losses, by some of her subjects, in the case of the schooner Amistad. This claim is believed to rest on the obligations imposed by our existing treaty with that country. Its justice was admit

ted, in our diplomatic correspondence with the Spanish government, as early as March, 1847; and one of my predecessors, in his annual message of that year, recommended that provision should be made for its payment. In January last it was again submitted to Congress by the executive. It has received a favorable consideration by committees of both branches, but as yet there has been no final action upon it. I conceive that good faith requires its prompt adjustment, and I present it to your early and favorable consideration.

Martin Koszta, a Hungarian by birth, came to this country in 1850, and declared his intention, in due form of law, to become a citizen of the United States. After remaining here nearly two years, he visited Turkey. While at Smyrna, he was forcibly seized, taken on board an Austrian brig-of-war, then lying in the harbor of that place, and there confined in irons, with the avowed design to take him into the dominions of Austria. Our consul at Smyrna and legation at Constantinople interposed for his release, but their efforts were ineffectual. While thus imprisoned, Commander Ingraham, with the United States ship-of-war St. Louis, arrived at Smyrna, and, after inquiring into the circumstances of the case, came to the conclusion that Koszta was entitled to the protection of this government, and took energetic and prompt measures for his release. Under an arrangement between the agents of the United States and of Austria, he was transferred to the custody of the French consulgeneral at Smyrna, there to remain until he should be disposed of by the mutual agreement of the consuls of the respective governments at that place. Pursuant to that agreement he has been released, and is now in the United States. The emperor of Austria has made the conduct of our officers who took part in this transaction a subject of grave complaint. Regarding Koszta as still his subject, and claiming a right to seize him within the limits of the Turkish empire, he has demanded of this government its consent to the surrender of the prisoner, a disavowal of the acts of its agents, and satisfaction for the alleged outrage. After a careful consideration of the case, I came to the conclusion that Koszta was seized without legal authority at Smyrna; that he was wrongfully detained on board of the Austrian brig-of-war; that, at the time of his seizure, he was clothed with the nationality of the United States; and that the acts of our officers, under the circumstances of the case, were justifiable, and their conduct has been fully approved by me, and a compliance with the several demands of the emperor of Austria has been declined.

For a more full account of this transaction and my views in regard to it, I refer to the correspondence between the chargé d'affaires of Austria and the secretary of state, which is herewith transmitted. The principles and policy therein maintained on the part of the United States will, whenever a proper occasion occurs, be applied and enforced.

The condition of China at this time renders it probable that some important changes will occur in that vast empire, which will lead to a more unrestricted intercourse with it. The commissioner to that country, who has been recently appointed, is instructed to avail himself of all occasions to open and extend our commercial relations, not only with the empire of China, but with other Asiatic nations.

In 1852, an expedition was sent to Japan, under the command of Commodore Perry, for the purpose of opening commercial intercourse with that empire. Intelligence has been received of his arrival there,

and of his having made known to the emperor of Japan the object of his visit; but it is not yet ascertained how far the emperor will be disposed to abandon his restrictive policy, and open that populous country to a commercial intercourse with the United States.

It has been my earnest desire to maintain friendly intercourse with the governments upon this continent, and to aid them in preserving good understanding among themselves. With Mexico, a dispute has arisen as to the true boundary line between our territory of New Mexico and the Mexican state of Chihuahua. A former commissioner of the United States, employed in running that line pursuant to the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, made a serious mistake in determining the initial point on the Rio Grande; but, inasmuch as his decision was clearly a departure from the directions for tracing the boundary contained in that treaty, and was not concurred in by the surveyor appointed on the part of the United States, whose concurrence was necessary to give validity to that decision, this government is not concluded thereby; but that of Mexico takes a different view of the subject.

There are also other questions of considerable magnitude pending between the two republics. Our minister in Mexico has ample instructions to adjust them. Negotiations have been opened, but sufficient progress has not been made therein to enable me to speak of the probable result. Impressed with the importance of maintaining amicable relations with that republic and of yielding with liberality to all her just claims, it is reasonable to expect that an arrangement mutually satisfactory to both countries may be concluded, and a lasting friendship between them confirmed and perpetuated.

Congress having provided for a full mission to the states of Central America, a minister was sent thither in July last. As yet he has had time to visit only one of these states (Nicaragua), where he was received in the most friendly manner. It is hoped that his presence and good offices will have a benign effect in composing the dissensions which prevail among them, and in establishing still more intimate and friendly relations between them respectively, and between each of them and the United States.

Considering the vast regions of this continent, and the number of states which would be made accessible by the free navigation of the river Amazon, particular attention has been given to this subject. Brazil, through whose territories it passes into the ocean, has hitherto persisted in a policy so restrictive, in regard to the use of this river, as to obstruct and nearly exclude foreign commercial intercourse with the states which lie upon its tributaries and upper branches. Our minister to that country is instructed to obtain a relaxation of that policy, and to use his efforts to induce the Brazilian government to open to common use, under proper safeguards, this great natural highway for international trade. Several of the South American states are deeply interested in this attempt to secure the free navigation of the Amazon, and it is reasonable to expect their co-operation in the measure. As the advantages of free commercial intercourse among nations are better understood, more liberal views are generally entertained as to the common rights of all to the free use of those means which nature has provided for international communication. To these more liberal and enlightened views it is hoped that Brazil will conform her policy, and remove all unnecessary restrictions upon the free use of a river, which traverses so many states and so large