lication of this correspondence of the agent, sent by me to Hungary, is a matter referred entirely to the judgment and discretion of the senate.

It will be seen, by the documents now transmitted, that no minister or agent was accredited by the government of Hungary to this government at any period since I came into office, nor was any communication ever received by this government from the minister of foreign affairs of Hungary, or any other executive officer authorized to act in her behalf.

My purpose, as freely avowed in this correspondence, was to have acknowledged the independence of Hungary, had she succeeded in establishing a government de facto, on a basis sufficiently permanent in its character to have justified me in doing so, according to the usages and settled principles of this government; and although she is now fallen, and many of her gallant patriots are in exiles or in chains, I am free still to declare, that had she been successful in the maintenance of such a government as we could have recognised, we should have been the first to welcome her into the family of nations.

CENTRAL AMERICA TREATY MESSAGE.

APRIL 22, 1850.

To the Senate of the United States:

I HEREWITH transmit to the senate, for their advice with regard to its ratification, a convention between the United States and Great Britain, concluded at Washington, on the 19th instant, by John M. Clayton, secretary of state, on the part of the United States, and by the right honorable Sir Henry Lytton Bulwer, on the part of Great Britain.

This treaty has been negotiated in accordance with the general views expressed in my message to Congress in December last. Its object is to establish a commercial alliance with all great maritime states for the protection of a contemplated ship canal through the territory of Nicaragua, to connect the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, and at the same time to insure the same protection to the contemplated railways or canals by the Tehuantepec and Panama routes, as well as to every other inter-oceanic communication which may be adopted to shorten the transit to or from our territories on the Pacific.

It will be seen that this treaty does not propose to take money from the public treasury to effect any object contemplated by it. It yields protection to the capitalists who may undertake to construct any canal or railway across the isthmus commencing in the southern part of Mexico, and terminating in the territory of New Grenada. It gives no preference to any one route over another, but proposes the same measure of protection for all which ingenuity and enterprise can construct. Should this treaty be ratified, it will secure in future the liberation of all Central America from any kind of foreign aggression.

At the time negotiations were opened with Nicaragua for the construction of a canal through her territory, I found Great Britain in possession of nearly half of Central America, as the ally and protector of the Mosquito king. It has been my object in negotiating this treaty, not only to secure the passage across the isthmus to the government and citizens of

the United States by the construction of a great highway dedicated to the uses of all nations on equal terms, but to maintain the independence and sovereignty of all the Central American republics. The senate will judge how far these objects have been effected.

If there be any who would desire to seize and annex any portion of the territories of these weak sister-republics to the American Union, or to extend our dominion over them, I do not concur in their policy; and I wish it to be understood, in reference to that subject, that I adopt the views entertained, so far as I know, by all my predecessors.

The principles by which I have been regulated in the negotiation of this treaty are in accordance with the sentiments well expressed by my immediate predecessor on the 10th of February, 1847, when he communicated to the senate the treaty with New Grenada for the protection of the railroad at Panama. It is in accordance with the whole spirit of the resolution of the senate of the 3d of March, 1835, referred to by President Polk, and with the policy adopted by President Jackson (immedi ately after the passage of that resolution), who despatched an agent to Central America and New Grenada "to open negotiations with those governments for the purpose of effectually protecting, by suitable treaty stipulations with them, such individuals or companies as might undertake to open a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans by the construction of a ship canal across the isthmus which connects North and South America, and of securing for ever, by such stipulations, the free and equal right of navigating such canal to all such nations, on the payment of such reasonable tolls as might be established to compensate the capitalists who should engage in such undertaking and complete the work. I also communicate herewith a copy of the correspondence between the American secretary of state and the British plenipotentiary at the time of concluding the treaty. Whatever honor may be due to the party first proposing such a treaty, justly belongs to the United States. My predecessor, in his message of the 10th of February, 1847, referring to the treaty with New Grenada for the protection of the Panama railroad, observes, that "should the proposition be rejected, we may deprive the United States of the just influence which its acceptance might secure to them, and confer the glory and benefits of being first among the nations in concluding such an arrangement upon the government of either Great Britain or France. That either of these governments would embrace the offer can not well be doubted, because there does not appear to be any other effectual means of securing to all nations the advantages of this important passage but the guaranty of great commercial powers that the isthmus shall be neutral territory. The interests of the world at stake are so important, that the security of this passage between the two oceans can not be suffered to depend upon the wars and revolutions which may arise among different nations."

Should the senate in its wisdom see fit to confirm this treaty, and the treaty heretofore submitted by me for their advice in regard to its ratification, negotiated with the state of Nicaragua, on the 3d day of September last, it will be necessary to amend one or both of them, so that both treaties may stand in conformity with each other in their spirit and intention. The senate will discover, by examining them both, that this is a task of no great difficulty.

I have good reason to believe that France and Russia stand ready to accede to this treaty, and that no other great maritime state will refuse

its accession to an arrangement so well calculated to diffuse the blessings of peace, commerce, and civilization, and so honorable to all nations which may enter into the engagement.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 7, 1850.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:

I HEREWITH transmit to the house of representatives copies of a correspondence between the department of state and the British legation in this city relative to the reciprocal admission of the natural products of the United States and Canada, free of duty, into the territories of both countries. It will be seen by the accompanying documents that the late secretary of the treasury recommended, in his correspondence with the committee on commerce in the house of representatives, reciprocal free trade in the natural products of the United States and Canada; that in March and June, 1849, a correspondence was opened between the British chargé d'affaires then residing in Washington and the secretary of state upon the subject of a commercial convention, or treaty, to carry out the views of her majesty's government in relation thereto, and that the proposition for such a convention or treaty was declined on the part of the American government, for reasons which are fully set forth in the note of the secretary of state to Mr. Crampton of the 26th of June last. During the negotiations connected with this correspondence, not considering the markets of Canada as an equivalent for those of the United States, I directed the secretary of state to inquire what other benefits of trade and commerce would be yielded by the British authorities in connexion with such a measure, and particularly whether the free navigation of the St. Lawrence would be conceded to us. That subject has accordingly been presented to the British government, and the result was communicated by her majesty's minister in Washington on the 27th of March last, in reply to a note from the secretary of state of the 26th of that month. From these papers it will be perceived that the navigation of the St. Lawrence, and of the canals connecting it with the western lakes, will be opened to the citizens of the United States, in the event that the bill referred to in the correspondence, providing for the admission of their natural products, should become a law. The whole subject is now submitted to the consideration of Congress, and especially whether the concession proposed by Great Britain is an equivalent for the reciprocity desired by her.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 22, 1850.

To the Senate of the United States :—

I HEREWITH transmit to the senate reports of the several heads of departments, to whom were referred the resolutions of the senate, of the 9th instant, "requesting the president of the United States to furnish to the

senate copies of all correspondence between any of the executive departments and General Persifer F. Smith and Brigadier-General B. Riley, or either of them, relative to affairs in California, which had not been communicated to the senate; and also all information existing in any of the executive departments respecting the transactions of the convention in California, by which the project of a state government was prepared, and particularly a copy of the journals of said convention, and of such of the ordinances adopted by it as may in any way have been communicated to any of the said departments; and likewise to inform the senate if the surrender of General Riley to the jurisdiction and civil authority of the government, made by the aforesaid convention, was by order of the executive of the United States, and, if not, whether the proclamation of General Riley recognising the said state government, and submitting to its jurisdiction has received the sanction of the executive; and, also, that he furnish to the senate whatever intelligence may have been received in the executive department respecting the condition of civil affairs in the Oregon Territory. The reports, with the official correspondence accompanying them, it is believed, embrace all the information in the department called for by the resolution.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 3, 1850.

To the Senate of the United States :

I TRANSMIT to the senate, herewith, reports from the several heads of departments, which contain all the information in possession of the executive relative to the subject of the resolution of the 23d instant.

No information has been received establishing the existence of any revolutionary movement in the island of Cuba among the inhabitants of that island. The correspondence submitted discloses, however, the fact that repeated attempts have been made, under the direction of foreigners enjoying the hospitality of this country, to get up armed expeditions in the United States for the purpose of invading Cuba. It will be seen by that correspondence that this government has been faithful in the discharge of its treaty obligations with Spain, and in the execution of the acts of Congress which have for their object the maintenance, in this regard, of the peace and honor of this country.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 10, 1850.

To the Senate of the United States:

I SUBMIT herewith, in reply to a resolution of the senate of the 3d instant, calling for " copies of the instructions given, and orders issued, in relation to the assemblage of persons on Round island, coast of Mississippi, during the summer of 1849, and of the correspondence between the president, or heads of departments, and the governor of Mississippi, and the officers, naval or military, of the United States, in reference to the

observation, investment, and dispersion of said assemblage upon said island," a report from the secretary of the navy, and accompanying documents, which contain all the information on the subject not heretofore communicated to the senate.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 17, 1850.

To the Senate of the United States :

I HAVE received a copy of the resolution of the senate, of the 11th instant, requesting me "to inform the senate whether any orders have been issued to any military officer or officers at Santa Fe to hold possession, against the authority of Texas, or in any way to embarrass or prevent the exercise of her jurisdiction over that country; and to furnish the senate with copies of any correspondence which may have taken place between the war department and the military stationed at Santa Fe since the date of my last communication to the senate on that subject."

In reply to that resolution, I state that no such orders have been given. I herewith present to the senate copies of all the correspondence referred to in the resolution. All the other orders relating to the subject-matter of the resolution have been heretofore communicated to the senate.

I have already, in a former message, referred to the fact that the boundary between Texas and New Mexico is disputed. I have now to state that information has been recently received that a certain Robert S. Neighbors, styling himself commissioner of the state of Texas, has proceeded to Santa Fe, with a view of organizing counties in that district, under the authority of Texas. While I have no power to decide the question of boundary, and no desire to interfere with it, as a question of title, I have to observe that the possession of the territory into which it appears that Mr. Neighbors has thus gone, was actually acquired by the United States from Mexico, and has since been held by the United States, and in my opinion, ought so to remain until the question of boundary shall have been determined by some competent authority. Meanwhile, I think there is no reason for seriously apprehending that Texas will practically interfere with the possession of the United States.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JUNE 26, 1850.

To the House of Representatives of the United States

I HEREWITH transmit a report of the secretary of war, communicating the information as far as it can be furnished, required by the resolution of the house of representatives of the 17th instant, respecting the amount of money collected from customs in California from the conclusion of the