SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 24, 1848.

To the House of Representatives of the United States:—

I TRANSMIT herewith a report from the secretary of state, with the accompanying documents, in compliance with the resolution of the house of representatives of the 8th instant, calling for "any correspondence which may have recently taken place with the British government relative to the adoption of principles of reciprocity in the trade and shipping of the two countries."

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

APRIL 3, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:-—

I COMMUNICATE to Congress, for their information, a copy of a despatch, with the accompanying documents, received at the department of state from the envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, giving official information of the overthrow of the French monarch, and the establishment in its stead of a provisional government based on republican principles.

This great event occurred suddenly, and was accomplished almost without bloodshed. The world has seldom witnessed a more interesting or sublime spectacle than the peaceful rising of the French people, resolved to secure for themselves enlarged liberty, and to assert, in the majesty of their strength, the great truth that in this enlighteued age man is capable of governing himself.

The prompt recognition of the new government by the representative of the United States at the French court, meets my full and unqualified approbation, and he has been authorized in a suitable manner to make known this fact to the constituted authorities of the French republic. Called upon to act upon a sudden emergency, which could not have been anticipated by his instructions, he judged rightly of the feelings and sentiments of his government and of his countrymen, when, in advance of the diplomatic representatives of other countries, he was the first to recognise, so far as it was in his power, the free government established by the French people.

The policy of the United States has ever been that of non-intervention in the domestic affairs of other countries, leaving to each to establish the form of government of its own choice. While this wise policy will be maintained toward France, now suddenly transformed from a monarchy into a republic, all our sympathies are naturally enlisted on the side of a great people, who, imitating our example, have resolved to be free. That such sympathy should exist on the part of the people of the United States with the friends of free government in every part of the world, and especially in France, is not remarkable. We can never forget that France was our early friend in our eventful revolution, and generously aided us in shaking off a foreign yoke and becoming a free and independent people.

We have enjoyed the blessings of our system of well-regulated self-government for near three fourths of a century, and can properly appreciate its value. Our ardent and sincere congratulations are extended to the patriotic people of France, upon their noble, and thus far successful, efforts to found for their future government liberal institutions similar to our own.

It is not doubted that, under the benign influence of free institutions, the enlightened statesmen of republican France will find it to be for her true interests and permanent glory to cultivate with the United States the most liberal principles of international intercourse and commercial reciprocity, whereby the happiness and prosperity of both nations will be promoted.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

APRIL 29, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :I SUBMIT for the consideration of Congress, several communications received at the department of state from Mr. Justo Sierra, commissioner of Yucatan, and also a communication from the governor of that state, representing the condition of extreme suffering to which their country has been reduced by an insurrection of the Indians within its limits, and asking the aid of the United States.

These communications present a case of human suffering and misery which can not fail to excite the sympathies of all civilized nations. From these, and other sources of information, it appears that the Indians of Yucatan are waging a war of extermination against the white race. In this civil war, they spare neither age nor sex, but put to death, indiscriminately, all who fall within their power. The inhabitants, panic-stricken, and destitute of arms, are flying before their savage pursuers toward the coast, and their expulsion from their country, or their extermination, would seem to be inevitable, unless they can obtain assistance from abroad.

In this condition, they have, through their constituted authorities, implored the aid of this government, to save them from destruction, offering, in case this should be granted, to transfer the "dominion and sovereignty of the peninsula" to the United States. Similar appeals for aid and protection have been made to the Spanish and the English governments.

While it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of any measure with a view to the acquisition of the "dominion and sovereignty" over Yucatan; yet, according to our established policy, we could not consent to a transfer of this "dominion and sovereignty," to either Spain, Great Britain, or any other European power. In the language of President Monroe, in his message of December, 1823, we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." In my annual message of December, 1845, I declared that "near a quarter of a century ago the principle was distinctly announced to the world, in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power.' This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North Amer

ica. In the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial concurrence in its wisdom and sound policy. The reassertion of this principle, especially in reference to North America, is at this day but the promulgation of a policy which no European power should cherish the disposition to resist. Existing rights of every European nation should be respected; but it is due alike to our safety and our interests, that the efficient protection of our laws should be extended over our whole territorial limits, and that it should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent."

Our own security requires that the established policy, thus announced, should guide our conduct, and this applies with great force to the peninsula of Yucatan. It is situate in the gulf of Mexico, on the North American continent, and, from its vicinity to Cuba, to the capes of Florida, to New Orleans, and, indeed, to our whole southwestern coast, it would be dangerous to our peace and security if it should become a colony of any European nation.

We have now authentic information that, if the aid asked from the United States be not granted, such aid will probably be obtained from some European power which may hereafter assert a claim to "dominion and Sovereignty" over Yucatan.

Our existing relations with Yucatan are of a peculiar character, as will be perceived from the note of the secretary of state to their commissioner, dated on the 24th of December last, a copy of which is here with transmitted. Yucatan has never declared her independence, and we treated her as a state of the Mexican republic. For this reason we have never officially received her commissioner; but, while this is the case, we have, to a considerable extent, recognised her as a neutral in our war with Mexico. While still considering Yucatan as a portion of Mexico, if we had troops to spare for this purpose, I would deem it proper, during the continuance of the war with Mexico, to occupy and hold military possession of her territory, and to defend the white inhabitants against the incursions of the Indians, in the same way that we have employed our troops in other states of the Mexican republic in our possession, in repelling the attacks of savages upon the inhabitants, who have maintained their neutrality in the war. But, unfortunately, we can not, at the present time, without serious danger, withdraw our forces from other portions of the Mexican territory now in our occupation, and send them to Yucatan. All that can be done, under existing circumstances, is to employ our naval forces in the gulf, not required at other points, to afford them relief; but it is not to be expected that any adequate protection can thus be afforded, as the operations of such naval forces must, of necessity, be confined to the coast.

I have considered it proper to communicate the information contained in the accompanying correspondence, and I submit to the wisdom of Congress to adopt such measures as, in their judgment, may be expedient, to prevent Yucatan from becoming a colony of any European power, which in no event, could be permitted by the United States; and, at the same time, to rescue the white race from extermination or expulsion from their country.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 8, 1848.

To the Senate of the United States :

I COMMUNICATE, herewith, a report of the secretary of war, together with the accompanying documents, in compliance with the resolution of the senate of the 25th of April, requesting the president to cause to be sent to the senate a copy of the opinion of the attorney-general, with copies of the accompanying papers, on the claim made by the Choctaw Indians for five thousand dollars, with interest thereon from the date of the transfer, being the difference between the cost of the stock and the par value thereof transferred to them by the Chickasaws, under the convention of the 17th of January, 1837.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MAY 29, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :—

I LAY before Congress the accompanying memorial and papers, which have been transmitted to me, by a special messenger employed for that purpose, by the governor and legislative assembly of Oregon territory, who constitute the temporary government which the inhabitants of that distant region of our country have, from the necessity of their condition, organized for themselves. The memorialists are citizens of the United States. They express ardent attachment to their native land, and in their present perilous and distressed situation they earnestly invoke the aid and protection of their government.

They represent that "the proud and powerful tribes of Indians," residing in their vicinity, have recently raised "the war-whoop, and crimsoned their tomahawks in the blood of their citizens;" that they apprehend that "many of the powerful tribes, inhabiting the upper valley of the Columbia, have formed an alliance for the purpose of carrying on hostilities against their settlements; that the number of the white population is far inferior to that of the savages; that they are deficient in arms and money, and fear that they do not possess strength to repel the "attack of so formidable a foe and protect their families and property from violence and rapine;" they conclude their appeal to the government of the United States for relief by declaring: "If it be at all the intention of our honored parent to spread her guardian wing over her sons and daughters in Oregon, she surely will not refuse to do it now, when they are struggling with all the ills of a weak and temporary government, and when perils are daily thickening around them, and preparing to burst upon their heads. When the ensuing summer's sun shall have dispelled the snow from the mountains, we shall look, with glowing hope and restless anxiety, for the coming of your laws and your arms.'

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In my message of the 5th of August, 1846, communicating a copy of the convention for the settlement and adjustment of the Oregon boundary," I recommended to Congress that "provision should be made by law, at the

earliest practicable period, for the organization of a territorial government in Oregon." In my annual message of December, 1846, and again in December, 1847, this recommendation was repeated.

The population of Oregon is believed to exceed twelve thousand souls, and it is known that it will be increased by a large number of emigrants during the present season. The facts set forth in the accompanying memorial and papers show that the dangers to which our fellow-citizens are exposed are so imminent, that I deem it to be my duty again to impress on Congress the strong claim which the inhabitants of that distant country have to the benefit of our laws, and to the protection of our government.

I, therefore, again invite the attention of Congress to the subject, and recommend that laws be promptly passed establishing a territorial government, and granting authority to raise an adequate volunteer force, for the defence and protection of its inhabitants. It is believed that a regiment of mounted men, with such additional force as may be raised in Oregon, will be sufficient to afford the required protection. It is recommended that the forces raised for this purpose should engage to serve for twelve months, unless sooner discharged. No doubt is entertained that, with proper inducements in land bounties, such a force can be raised in a short time. Upon the expiration of their service, many of them will doubtless desire to remain in the country and settle upon the land which they may receive as bounty. It is deemed important that provision be made for the appointment of a suitable number of Indian agents, to reside among the various tribes in Oregon, and that appropriations be made to enable them to treat with these tribes, with a view to restore and preserve peace between them and the white inhabitants.

Should the laws recommended be promptly passed, the measures for their execution may be completed during the present season, and before the severity of winter will interpose obstacles in crossing the Rocky mountains. If not promptly passed a delay of another year will be the consequence, and may prove destructive to the white settlements in Oregon.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JULY 6, 1848.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:I LAY before Congress copies of a treaty of peace, friendship, limits, and settlement, between the United States and the Mexican republic, the ratifications of which were duly exchanged at the city of Queretaro, in Mexico, on the 30th day of May, 1848.

The war in which our country was reluctantly involved, in the necessary vindication of the national rights and honor, has been thus terminated, and I congratulate Congress, and our common constituents, upon the restoration of an honorable peace.

The extensive and valuable territories ceded by Mexico to the United States constitute indemnity for the past, and the brilliant achievements and signal success of our arms will be a guaranty of security for the future, by convincing all nations that our rights must be respected. The results of the war with Mexico have given to the United States a national char