paid its tribute to his memory at his tomb. Coming generations will learn from his example the love of country and the rights of man. In his language on a similar occasion to the present, "I now commend you, fellowcitizens, to the guidance of Almighty God, with a full reliance on his merciful providence for the maintenance of our free institutions; and with an earnest supplication, that whatever errors it may be my lot to commit, in discharging the arduous duties which have devolved on me, will find a remedy in the harmony and wisdom of your counsels."

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 9, 1845.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:— I COMMUNICATE, herewith, a letter received from the president of the existing government of the state of Texas, transmitting duplicate copies of the constitution formed by the deputies of the people of Texas in convention assembled, accompanied by official information that the said constitution had been ratified, confirmed, and adopted, by the people of Texas themselves, in accordance with the joint resolution for annexing Texas to the United States, and in order that Texas might be admitted as one of the states of that Union.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 19, 1845.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :—

I COMMUNICATE to the house of representatives, in reply to their resolu tion of the 25th of February last, a report from the secretary of state, together with the correspondence of George W. Slacum, late consul of the United States at Rio de Janeiro, with the department of state, relating to the African slave-trade.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 3, 1846.

To the Senate of the United States :—

I TRANSMIT to the senate a report of the secretary of the navy, communicating the information called for by their resolution of the 18th of December, 1845, in relation to the "number of agents now employed for the preservation of timber, their salaries, the authority of law under which they are paid, and the allowances of every description made within the last twenty years in the settlement of the accounts of said agents."

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 7, 1846.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :

In compliance with the request of the house of representatives in their resolution of the 3d instant, I herewith communicate a report from the secretary of state, with the accompanying "correspondence which has taken place" between the secretary of state and the minister of the United States at London, and "between the government of Great Britain and this government, in relation to the country west of the Rocky mountains, since the last annual message of the president" to Congress.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 9, 1846.

To the House of Representatives of the United States :

I COMMUNICATE, herewith, in answer to the resolution of the house of representatives of the 19th of December last, the report of the secretary of state, enclosing "copies of correspondence between this government and Great Britain within the last two years, in relation to the Washington treaty, and particularly in relation to the free navigation of the river St. John, and in relation to the disputed territory fund named in said treaty ;" and, also, the accompanying copies of documents filed in the department of state, which embrace the correspondence and information called for by the said resolution.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 18, 1846.

To the Senate of the United States :—

In compliance with the request of the senate, in their resolution of the 10th instant, asking for information relative to the Mexican indemnity, I communicate herewith a report from the secretary of state, with the papers accompanying it.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 23, 1846.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States :I TRANSMIT, for your consideration, a correspondence between the minister of her Britannic majesty in Washington, and the secretary of state, containing an arrangement for the adjustment and payment of the claims of the respective governments upon each other, arising from the collection

of certain import duties in violation of the second article of the commercial convention of the 3d of July, 1815, between the two countries; and I respectfully submit to Congress the propriety of making provision to carry this arrangement into effect.

The second article of this convention provides that "no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United States of any articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of his Britannic majesty's territories in Europe, and no higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the territories of his Britannic majesty in Europe of any articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States, than are or shall be payable on the like articles, being the growth, produce, or manufacture of any other foreign country."

Previous to the act of parliament of the 13th of August, 1836, the duty on foreign rough rice imported into Great Britain was two shillings and sixpence sterling per bushel. By this act the duty was reduced to one penny per quarter (of eight bushels) on the rough rice "imported from the west coast of Africa."

Upon the earnest and repeated remonstrances of our ministers at London, in opposition to this discrimination against American and in favor of African rice, as a violation of the subsisting convention, parliament, by the act of the 9th of July, 1842, again equalized the duty on all foreign rough rice, by fixing it at seven shillings per quarter. In the intervening period, however, of nearly six years, large importations had been made. into Great Britain of American rough rice, which was subjected to a duty of two shillings and sixpence per bushel; but the importers, knowing their rights under the convention, claimed that it should be admitted at the rate of one penny per quarter, the duty imposed on African rice. This claim was resisted by the British government, and the excess of duty was paid, at the first, under protest, and afterward, in consequence of an arrangement with the board of customs, by the deposite of exchequer bills.

It seems to have been a clear violation both of the letter and spirit of the convention to admit rough rice, "the growth" of Africa, at one penny per quarter, while the very same article, "the growth" of the United States, was charged with a duty of two shillings and sixpence per bushel.

The claim of Great Britain, under the same article of the convention, is founded on the tariff act of the 30th of August, 1842. Its 25th section provides "that nothing in this act contained shall apply to goods shipped in a vessel bound to any port of the United States, actually having left her last port of lading eastward of the cape of Good Hope, or beyond Cape Horn, prior to the first day of September, 1842; and all legal provisions and regulations existing immediately before the 30th day of June, 1842, shall be applied to importations which may be made in vessels which have left such last port of lading eastward of the cape of Good Hope, or beyond Cape Horn, prior to said first day of September, 1842."

The British government contends that it was a violation of the second article of the convention for this act to require that "articles, the growth, produce, or manufacture" of Great Britain, when imported into the United States in vessels which had left their last port of lading in Great Britain prior to the first day of September, 1842, should pay any higher or other duties" than were imposed on "like articles," "the growth, produce, or manufacture" of countries beyond the cape of Good Hope and Cape Horn. Upon a careful consideration of the subject, I arrived at the conclusion that this claim on the part of the British government was well founded.

I deem it unnecessary to state my reasons at length for adopting this opinion, the whole subject being fully explained in the letter of the secretary of the treasury and the accompanying papers.

The amount necessary to satisfy the British claim can not at present be ascertained with any degree of accuracy, no individual having yet presented his case to the government of the United States. It is not apprehended that the amount will be large. After such examination of the subject as it has been in his power to make, the secretary of the treasury believes that it will not exceed one hundred thousand dollars.

On the other hand, the claims of the importers of rough rice into Great Britain have been already ascertained, as the duties were paid either under protest, or in exchequer bills. Their amount is stated by Mr. Everett, our late minister at London, in a despatch dated June 1, 1843, to be eightyeight thousand eight hundred and eighty-six pounds sixteen shillings and tenpence sterling, of which sixty thousand and six pounds and fourpence belong to citizens of the United States.

As it may be long before the amount of the British claim can be ascertained, and it would be unreasonable to postpone payment to the American claimants until this can be adjusted, it has been proposed to the British government immediately to refund the excess of duties collected by it on American rough rice. I should entertain a confident hope that this proposal would be accepted, should the arrangement concluded be sanctioned by an act of Congress making provision for the return of the duties in question. The claimants might then be paid as they present their demands, properly authenticated, to the secretary of the treasury.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 24, 1846.

:

To the Senate of the United States :

In answer to the inquiry of the senate, contained in their resolution of. the 17th instant, whether, in my "judgment, any circumstances connected with, or growing out of the foreign relations of this country, require at this time an increase of our naval or military force ;" and if so, what those circumstances are," I have to express the opinion, that a wise precaution demands such increase.

In my annual message of the 2d of December last, I recommended to the favorable consideration of Congress an increase of our naval force, especially of our steam navy, and the raising of an adequate military force to guard and protect such of our citizens as might think proper to emigrate to Oregon. Since that period, I have seen no cause to recall or modify these recommendations. On the contrary, reasons exist which, in my judgment, render it proper, not only that they should be promptly carried into effeet, but that additional provision should be made for the public defence.

The consideration of such additional provision was brought before appropriate committees of the two houses of Congress, in answer to calls made by them, in reports prepared, with my sanction, by the secretary of war and the secretary of the navy, on the 29th of December and the 8th of January last; a mode of communication with Congress not unusual.

and under existing circumstances, believed to be most eligible. Subsequent events have confirmed me in the opinion that these recommendations were proper as precautionary measures.

It was a wise maxim of the father of his country, that "to be prepared for war is one of the most efficient means of preserving peace;" and that, "avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace," we should “remember, also, that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it." The general obligation to perform this duty is greatly strengthened by facts known to the whole world. A controversy respecting the Oregon territory now exists between the United States and Great Britain; and while, as far as we know, the relations of the latter with all European nations are of the most pacific character, she is making unusual and extraordinary armaments and warlike preparations, naval and military, both at home and in her North American possessions.

It can not be disguised, that however sincere may be the desire of peace, in the event of a rupture, these armaments and preparations would be used against our country. Whatever may have been the original purpose of these preparations, the fact is undoubted that they are now proceeding, in part, at least, with a view to the contingent possibility of a war with the United States. The general policy of making additional warlike preparations was distinctly announced, in the speech from the throne, as late as January last, and has since been reiterated by the ministers of the crown, in both houses of parliament. Under this aspect of our relations with Great Britain, I can not doubt the propriety of increasing our means of defence, both by land and sea. This can give Great Britain no cause of offence, nor increase the danger of a rupture. If, on the contrary, we should fold our arms in security, and at last be suddenly involved in hostilities for the maintenance of our just rights, without any adequate preparation, our responsibility to the country would be of the gravest character. Should collision between the two countries be avoided, as I sincerely trust it may be, the additional charge upon the treasury, in making the necessary preparations, will not be lost; while, in the event of such a collision, they would be indispensable for the inaintenance of our national rights and national honor.

I have seen no reason to change or modify the recommendations of my annual message, in regard to the Oregon question. The notice to abrogate the treaty of the 6th of August, 1827, is authorized by the treaty itself, and can not be regarded as a warlike measure; and I can not withhold my strong conviction that it should be promptly given. The other recommendations are in conformity with the existing treaty, and would afford to American citizens in Oregon no more than the same measure of protection which has long since been extended to British subjects, in that territory.

The state of our relations with Mexico is still in an unsettled condition. Since the meeting of Congress another revolution has taken place in that country, by which the government has passed into the hands of new rulers. This event has procrastinated, and may possibly defeat, the settlement of the differences between the United States and that country. The minister of the United States to Mexico, at the date of the last advices, had not been received by the existing authorities. Demonstrations of a character hostile to the United States continue to be made in Mexico, which has rendered it proper, in my judgment, to keep nearly two thirds