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c'allcs, numbers of the ministerial people agreed to diminish, by onethird, the ule of vvheaten bread in their families; a bill also was brought, in, by iir John Sinclair, to encourage the cultivation of waste lands, pursuant to the recommendation of the board of agriculture, established for that purpose, and the more effectually to obviate the evil ot scarcity in future.

-After these consultations, in what manner to provide for the immediate exigences of the country, the next object that occurred in parliament was the maintenance of the fleets and armies, requisite for the continuance of the war. To this end, lord Arden moved, on the fourth of November, that one hundred and ten thousand seamen, including eighteen thousand marines,'should be vofed for the sea-service of the year 1796', and Mr.Wyndham moved also, thai two hundred and (even thousand men should be employed lor the sen-ice at land.

General Macleod took this occasion to censure heavily the conduct os administration, in pasting by officers of experience, and promoting to rank and command youths and others who were not properly qualified for military employments. General Tarleton disapproved, at the fame time, the statement of expenses laid before the house, as highly exhorbitant: from the year 1792 to the close of 179 V, they had increased, he (aid, from one to eleven millions.

Ministers were particularly reprehended, by the former, for their inadvertence in not furnishing the .troops, sent to the Weft Indies,with a sufficient quantity of medical stores, and for maintaining at present, without necessity, no less than a thousand smss-ofneers. The numbers to which 8

the fencible cavalry amounted, lie* attributed to the ministerial plan of keeping the people in subjection and dread; the regular cavalry, he said, was equal to every just and proper purpose, without loading the public with so much additional ex pence.

In answer to these, and other strictures, Mr.Wyndham stated, that men of distinction and oppulence had been preferred to commands, in their respective counties, as more able to procure levies than others. The expences accompanying the fencible cavalry were considerably less than those of the regulars, as neither bounties nor half-pay were allowed them. An ample supply of medicines had been dispatched to the West Indies, but had unhappily fallen into the enemy's hands; an accident which was remedied with all possible diligence. The great expences of the war had neccllarily been augmented, proportionably to the greatness of the national exertions; and the number of stass-officers did not exceed that which was wanted for the duly conducting of the business of army and military affairs. To an observation made by general Smith, that the quantity of subalterns had been out of all proportion in some regiments, Mr. Wyndham, replied, that the men being raised in the heat of the campaign, it had been sound impracticable to provide a timely supply "in the place of those that had heat killed off."

This particular expression was taken up with violent acrimony both in and out of parliament: it was represented as denoting no fense os feeling, in the speaker, lor the calamities of war, and the loss of so many individuals fallen in battle. This and some other expressions


uttered in the warmth os debate, tud produced probably bv hurry aral inadvertence, and not from a defect of humanity, however, drew upon this gentleman a heavy laid of censure, and rendered him fxlrcmelv unpopular.

His statements, on this occasion, were warmly controverted by those in answer to whom he had made tliem. Members os parliament had, it was allerted, been placed at the head of the new raised regiments: this was creating a patronage of the rood corrupt and unwarrantable kind, as many of the officers thus promoted were shamefully ignorant of their duty, and yet were allowed unconscionable profits. A variety ot other objections was brought forward by the opposition, and replied to by ministry: aster which, the resolutions relating to the fleet and army, moved by lord Arden and Mr. Wyndham, were put and carried.

Other strictures were then pasted upon the conduct of ministry, in other particulars: that concerning the erection of barracks underwent the most remarkable censure. Th» expensive and unconstitutional nature of this measure was asserted by Mr. Fox, Mr. Sheridan, -Mr. \V"hitbread, Mr Courtney, and others; and its propriety no less

committee to inquire into the ex-* pertditure arising from the barracks, and upon wliat authority the erection was sounded: he affirmed, that One million sour hundred thousand pounds had been employed upon them. The patronage accruing from them to ministry was the appoint* ruent of no less than sisty-six officers for their management, with considerable salaries. The number of barracks already constructed were sufficient for the reception of thirtysour thousand men, which were more than a peace-establistiment by fourteen thousand. Did not such a measure tend to impress the clearest and strongest conviction upon the public, that ministry were determined, in the words of one of their principal members, to exert a vigour beyond the law?

Mr. Wyndham admitted the expences of the barracks to be great, but the importance of the object in view required them: their intent was to exonerate publicans, and people of that description, from the heavy-charges to which they had so long and so unreasonably been liable, ana of which they had so often and so justly complained. The necessity of procuring public-houses for the reception of soldiers on their march occasioned sundry inconvenienciss, which these barracks were calcuvehementiv supported by Mr. Pitt, lated to remove: they would afford

Mr. Wyndham, and Mr. Dundas. In the course os this discussion, Mr. Whitbread moved to omit, in the estimate os hecellary expences, the sums appropriated to |he construction of barracks: but the motion was negatived, by ieventy-four to twenty-eight.

This business was not resumed till the eight of April following, whra general Smith moved for a

stielfer, and a temporary stay, when necessary, without producing trouble and expence to innkeepers, and others, who kept places of accom modation on the roads. In the event of a peace, they need not contain any larger numbers than would be requisite for the usual establishment; but while the war lasted, the indispenbsile necessity of holding men in readiness, in such [E2] critical

critical limes as the present, and the lesser expence. at which they were kept together, with much more comfort and convenience to themselves, and utility to the public, than by the former method of quartering them, were, he presumed, sufficient arguments in savour os barracks; nor would he omit the propriety of removing soldiers from the danger of being contaminated by the leditious disposition os the lower classes.

It was: observed, in answer, by Mr.Taylor, that a tolal separation ostho soldiery from the commonalty, were it practicable, would obliterate that union of character which rendered military men citizens as well as soldiers, and endeared both classes to each other: when consciously united in one common interest, their reciprocal attachment would produce the most iignal advantages, through the spirit and confidence they would'act with, and the continual proofs of good will that would mutually arise between them.

Mr. Fox argued, with uncommon strength, against the system of barracks, as tending directly to inculcate the blindest and most abject obedience in die soldiery. He explicitly asserted, that unconditional obedience was neither the dutv of an English citizen, or an English soldier: the constitution of England rested on thd mixture of citizens and soldiers in all the habits and occurrences of life; to part them from each other, in the manner proposed, by lodging the troops in barracks, would be to divide them into distinct people, who, from various causes, would quickly become inimical to each other. True it was, that barracks had been erected in England before this time, but they were few and inconsiderable; not

constructed, as now, with the manifest intention of secluding the whole army from the nation, and cutting off, as much as in ministers lay, all intercourse between soldiers and citizens. To dissolve a connection, so indifpensible in a land of liberty (or its preservation, was a deed wholly unjustifiable, and (hewed, without the ueceflitvofany farther argument, the real designs in agitation.

These assertions were, by Mr. Pitt, reprelenled as totally unsounded. The K'stem of barracks was neither new nor unconstitutional; it was of long standing, and only of late enlarged, on the mere principle of placing the troops upon a more convenient and useful footing. Parliament had given it a decided (auction; it had been carried on with all due diligence and economy, and could produce nothing that did not appear beneficial: soldiers would be better quartered, at a smaller expence, and kept in more order without confining them from society in any cases but those of confusion and tumult.

Mr. W. Smith, and Mr. Courtcnay, (poke in very adverse terms of the case in question: the former reprobated the system os barracks, as incompatible with the genius and constitution of the people of this country, and lit only to prove that was delpotically governed. The latter in av strain of humour and pleasantry, exposed all those circumstances relating to the business, which could render it odious under the appearance of ridicule.

Mr. Grev censured the sydem with great severity. 'He demanded whether an addition of thirty-four thousand men was-' to be made to the peace establishment in suture, as the old barracks would contain


twenty thousand, and the new ones the preceding number. If the barracks were not to be filled in this manner, whv had such an experre been incurred to construct so rainy?

He was answered by Mr. Steele, tint, notwithstanding the exaggerations os those who affected such an apprehension of barracks, the whole of them, when completely siniflied, would not contain more' than twenty-five thousand men; a number so little above the usual complementosdie army, tlmMio-man could; Hiiii the leaf} der«ree of ingetiuoiis± ness, insinuate tnat ministers harboured sinister designs. The money, fiated to have been laid out on the

per cent, on the remoter relations, and strangers. 'Calculating the landed and personal properly of the kingdom, as it stood at the commencement of the present century, previously to its union with Scotland, its value amounted to thirteen hundred millions, of which six hundred were in land, and seven hundred personal. From authentic documents it appeared, that about one-tl.ird of the latter was devised hy will to collateral branches, and of the former about one-fifth. The probable estimate might be formed, by taking the fourth as a medium, which, would give a. tax of two hundred and ninety four thousand'. poUndi. From this sum, by debarracks, was alleged by the oppo-ducttrtg the standing fax upon legation, to be untiirriy accounted thv: 'ciesj'lvyohundred.and fifty thousand but Mr. Pitt replied1, that no flaws; pptuids -would remain. * He next wouM be found in the slalom cut of {itopofed ton p»r>e«nr. on the as-. the ex pence on due examination.' ready Me tied taxe*, Vhith would The dtbate. concluded; wish a vdi-r' produce btife htin&'ed arid forty thouvition of ninety-eight for rrtiniftfy, ,:sand pounds': one pound upon every. . -:..,,,; . <ho|isok«ptsorplealwre;which wouTd Qn the seventh of December,; .yield 'onedmnHred THtd"fifteen"ffiouMf. Pilt laid before the boufe rfn ' sandpoiiride: and two shillings on . estimate of the expenses of the ap- e^r}; horie "'li,cpt .for the purposes prwt*ing year.' 'They amounted" <>i labour, which h« computed ■ at to'Uv'entv-seven millions five. |uut> one huudred.thousand pounds: an dr^rf thousand pounds, including a ■ additional tux fen -tobacco woifjd loyioseigLteen millions. ' He gave produce'one hundred 'aud. seventy

.thousand: and.another en. printed linens would bring one hundred and thirty-five thousand: a duly upon salt thirty thousand : and ,the reduction of the'dra'wbackon sugar, one. hundred and eighty thousand. The total os. these various sums would amount to eleven hundred and twenty seven thousand pounds, which was mure {ban surhcierjti-sorvthe proposed iutarest. - .■' V ■:- ■.:«::

Mr. Pitt.took pnfticiriar notice, ut the-same timeV that in tlje fourth.: year 6s a'most expensive war,' such [ E 3 ] was

a wy favourable account'of many br*niht« of the revenue, particular'of the permanent taxes, which he stated lo be adequatelvproductive to the extent os-the sums expected tr«rtmcrn. "The infefcft of I he loan would amount 'lo eleven' hundred anJttyulve thousand pounds, for the payment of which, he would propose theibllowiiig taxe>s; two pr;r icflfem all tegncicVabove a certain njenl, to thesfirfl collaterals; three percent, on.first cousins; .four per cept, ou second cousin*; und six

was the prosperity and opulence of tli is country, that it was able to command the immense loan in question, at no more than sour and a halt per cent. He al(b assigned the reason for his raising it without having recourse to his usual method of competition, which was, that the persons concerned in procuring the last loan, had not yet received the latter instalments due to them upon it. He had, however, so far consulted the good of the puhlic, „ that the interests to them, would not prove more than four pounds five (hillings and three pence in the hundred.

This assertion gave birth to a long and tedious dilcustioo, uninteresting to those who were unconcerned in the business itself, or who did not think themselves authorised to call him to a strict account for his proceedings in this matter.

Th reply lo the elaborate justisication of his conduct, made by Mr. Pitt on this critical occasion, the principal speakers in the opposition exerted themselves to refute his arguments and calculations, with uncommon acutenefs and fervour. They controverted his various positions and inferences, and laboured with the utmost industry to establish their own. The point, at which they chiefly aimed, was to prove that he had acted erroneousty, and even disingenuously, ill putting the business of the loan into the hands of Mr. Boyd, to whom it had been given the preceding year, and that no substantial and valid reason subfisted for such a conduct, which they branded with many odious epithets, and represented in many ot the cirpumstances attending it, as unwarrantable and corrupt.

In the course of the fatiguing and acrimonious debates upon this tub-t ject, severe animadversion was palfed by Mr. Fox upon the affair of the ftamburgh bills. They had, it seems, been drawn not reallv in London, but fictitiously at the former place, by Mr. Boyd, to the amount os two millions five hundred thousand pounds, on treasury-bills, for tlie service of government. Mr. Fox established on this transaction, which he described as highly iineredi table, the preference and partiality, which he represented as having manifestly been exercised by the minister in savour os that gentleman. Aster altercations, marked with much bitterness and animosity, the question was decided in favour of the minister, by a majority that pasted a vote of entire approbation, relating to his conduct on the business of the loan; and, on the twenty-ninth of the ensuing February, the affair of the Hamburgh bills was also approved os, by putting a negative on the rclolutions moved against them.

The motives alleged in his jnsli-' sication, by his friends and adherents, were, the very difficult circMmstances that urged him to have recourse to the aslistance of these bills, and the consequent propriety os acknowledging ib important a service. The public in general was duly sensible of the ministerial embarali'ments respecting both these cases, and was willing to luspend its leverity on the transactions themselves, in consideration of the causes that produced them, and that left the minister a choice of difficulties, from which he found no readier a method to extricate himself.

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