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and deprived the Canadian authorities of that temptation to interfere which had been the bane of our western history for so many years. Even after the victory of Wayne they hoped, however, that all was not lost. They strove to prevent the dispersal of the Indians into the south and west.' Joseph Chew wrote in despair from Montreal, "If the Indians remove to southern and western parts of the country the trade of Detroit, etc., is totally lost." Ousted as the English were from these dangerous positions, they endeavored to cultivate Indian affection and friendship in order to secure the furs and to be sure of their valuable alliance. The general policy which prompted the retention of the posts was not abandoned until long after the war of 1812.3

In considering what may be called the indirect instigation by the British it is necessary to bear in mind the open sympathy which the English felt and expressed for the Indians, their attitude of guardianship, their retention of the posts, and, above all, continual showering of presents upon their former allies, even when engaged in open warfare against us. The interests of the traders were too evidently dependent on the good humor of the red men for the Government to neglect its ample largesses, although war was waging and the braves were largely dependent for subsistence on British generosity All instructions from the home Government to preserve the peace were coupled with injunctions to defend the posts, and often with orders to give lavish presents to the Indians and to be sure of obtaining their friendship and alliance.*

At the close of actual hostilities in 1782 and 1783 there was an effort to cut down Indian expenses, but throughout this period it was necessary to supply the western warriors with an unusual quantity of rum to keep them in good humor.5 The beloved fire water was ever forthcoming to warm the red man's love for his English protector and ally. The commander of the post at Niagara doubtless told the truth when he said that one puncheon of rum would have more effect on the Indians than all the ability of Sir John Johnson.

'Mich. Pio. Col., vol. 20, p. 372. Simcoe seems even to have for a new blockhouse on Swan Creek as late as October, 1794. Ib., p. 145.

2

3 McLaughlin's Lewis Cass, Chapter IV.

4 E. g. Can. Ar., Q. 26-1, p. 73; Q. 27-1, p. 44; Q. 28, p. 28.

5 Rep. Can. Ar., 1886, p. 31;

6 Rep. Can. Ar., 1886, p. 34;

Ar., B. 103, pp. 152, 155.

Ar., B. 103, p. 216.

One thing

given orders

(Ib., p. 148.)

that prevented the cutting off of all presents was the fear that the Americans would endeavor to capture the posts. At such a time the Indian assistance would have to be depended on.1 The surprise and seizure of the posts were constantly feared. Consequently, it would not do to leave the braves without munitions of war. Sydney wrote Dorchester, April, 1787: "To afford them active assistance would at the present moment be a measure extremely imprudent, but at the same time it would not become us to refuse them such supplies of ammunition as might enable them to defend themselves."" Grenville's policy was more honorable and humane. He wrote in 1789 that requisition for arms to carry on war against Americans should be prevented.3 Yet even in his administration much needed aid was given the warriors. In 1791 and at other times when it was equally important for us that the Indians should remain unaided, they were provided with provisions. The British claimed that no unusual aid was granted, and yet in all probability the effect of their largesses was the continuation of the war, for they did not give gew-gaws and beads and trinkets alone, but food, and rum, and arms, and ammunition, and blankets. In this respect, as in others, the year 1794 marks a decided advance. The Indians against whom Wayne fought were greatly aided in equipment and partly fed at English expense. McKee seems to have been restless under instruction not to give more than usual. But he was importunate in his demands for munitions of war. He writes to the provincial government for vermilion, guns, tobacco, and gunlocks. And again:

5

If his excellency the commander in chief on your Application would be pleased to authorize the purchase of a few doz" Gun Locks of the best kind, they would be of infinite service to the Indians at this time.7

1 Can. Ar., Q. 27-1, p. 44;

2 Can. Ar., Q. 27-1, p. 44.

Ar., Q. 28, p. 28.

The whole letter is a strong condemnation of Sydney's straightforwardness and humanity. See also his letter of September. Can. Ar., Q. 28, p. 28.

3 Can. Ar., Q. 42, p. 144.

St. Clair Papers, Vol. II, p. 194. Rep. Can. Ar., 1890, pp. 288, 295, 299, 300, 302. McKee certainly gave provisions, etc., in 1791, possibly not with any unusual generosity or with hostile intent. Dorchester certainly supposed not.

5 Mich. Pio. Col., vol. 20, p. 364. Chew, however, speaks of additional supplies sent to Detroit. Ib., p. 361.

Ib., pp. 360, 373.

7 Ib., p. 356.

He wrote to Colonel England at Detroit, thanking him for his exertions to supply the Indians with provisions.1

The conclusions of this paper have, perhaps, been clearly presented in the course of the narration. It is agreeable to be able to state that the English Government did not encourage the Indians to war against a peaceful nation; but a candid examination of facts must compel one to acknowledge that England's conduct was neither ingenuous nor generous. She had reasons for retaining the posts other than those she gave to us. Her sympathy with the Indians and her guardianship of their interests were largely actuated by a desire to have their terrible and infernal assistance in time of war. Her officers during at least one critical period gave direct aid and encouragement to the warriors. Her care for what she held to be their interests and were palpably her own prolonged hostilities, even if it did not cause them. There was great truth in Brant's reproach, that if they had not been interfered with by England the Indians would have early made a safe and honorable peace with America.

1 Farmer's History of Detroit and Michigan, p. 266. The letter is there given in full. He also complains to Simcoe: "The most material articles of the Indians' supplies are not yet come up, viz, blankets, guns, rifles, balls, flints, knives, tobacco, and paint, so that it is not in my power to make a distribution. The last two articles are so necessary that I made a requisition to Colonel England for the purchase of some, but he writes me that he does not consider himself authorized to approve of it, and I am now without any of these articles, which to an Indian are as necessary as food and constantly called for by them." (Can. Ar., Q. 70, p. 11.) He evidently did not obtain all he would have liked, but there is strong evidence that he obtained a good deal, especially in the letter to England above mentioned. He also complained that the guns which had been sent for the Indians were not good enough. He wants better ones and good gunlocks. Wayne's report contained a statement by a British drummer to the effect that the Indians had been furnished with food from the British stores. (Am. St. Papers, Ind. Aff., Vol. I, p. 495.)

XXIV. THE EXISTING AUTOGRAPHS OF CHRISTOPHER

COLUMBUS.

By WILLIAM ELEROY CURTIS.

It is probable that there are now in existence more impor tant and interesting documents in the handwriting of Christopher Columbus than have been preserved of any other man of his time or comparative prominence. There are 29 complete letters and manuscripts, many of them several pages in length, written entirely with his hand and carrying his mysterious signature, not including voluminous marginal notes made by him on the pages of several books that he owned or read. Of these autographs 19 are letters-10 addressed to his son Diego; 4 to Father Gasper Corricio, a Carthusian monk who befriended him in his last days; 2 to Nicolo Oderigo, the ambassador from the Genoese Republic to Spain; 2 to Ferdinand and Isabella, and 1 to the governors of the Bank of St. George, Genoa.

There are also 6 memoranda written wholly in his hand but unsigned. Two are for the information and guidance of his son Diego, 2 relate to his claim against the crown of Spain, 1 refers to his arrest and imprisonment, and the other is a statement of the disposition of the gold which he brought from the Indies when he returned from his first voyage.

There are also in existence 3 drafts or orders for money in his handwriting and bearing his signature-2 of them addressed to Francisco de Morillo, in payment for naval supplies, and the other to Alonzo de Morales, treasurer, for money advanced to pay his traveling expenses to Granada and Seville.

There is also a copy of a letter he received from Dr. Toscanelli, a learned Florentine astronomer, some years before he started on his voyage, which confirms his theory of a western passage from Spain to the Indies. This is written upon the fly leaf of a book in his well-known hand, and is probably the oldest of his autographs in existence.

And, finally, there exists in Seville a volume of manuscripts written partly by Christopher Columbus, partly by his brother Bartholomew, and partly by two amanuenses.

All of these autographs except the Toscanelli letter were written during the last years of his life, and most of them while he was residing in the old monastery of Las Cuevas, on the outskirts of Seville, under the protection of the Carthusian friars. All of the manuscripts are so well preserved as to be easily photographed. His penmanship is firm, clear, and regular, and in places even ornamental, although, under date of December 1, 1504, he tells Diego, "My illness prevents me from writing except at night. In the day my hands have no strength." He was then about 60 years old.

The greatest number of the autographs are the property of the Duke of Veragua, the present head of the Columbus family, who has also the original commission under which the memorable voyage of discovery was made, a number of royal orders concerning the preparations for that voyage, and several autograph letters addressed to Columbus by Ferdinand and Isabella, the sovereigns of Spain.

At the request of the Congress of the United States, expressed in a formal resolution and conveyed to him through President Harrison, the Duke generously loaned the entire collection for exhibition in the Convent of La Rabida at the World's Columbian Exposition, and they furnished the most interesting historical exhibit there.

The letters and memoranda addressed to the sovereigns are in the archives of the Spanish Government. The other autographs belong to the Columbian Library at Seville, the municipal government at Genoa, and to the Duke of Berwick and Alba, who also loaned his collection for the exhibition at Chicago.

There are unsupported statements concerning letters and other autographs of Columbus in possession of English collectors from fifty to a hundred years ago, but if they ever existed they have disappeared and no traces can be found of them.

Both the Duke of Veragua and the Duke of Berwick-Alba have a full appreciation of the value of the papers and preserve them in handsomely carved oak chests.

One of the letters in the Duke of Veragua's collection which was exhibited at La Rabida is an original from the King of

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