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Clam' etiam per cartam et diploma manerii de Ripla cum BOOK hundred' et ecclesia et pertinentiis suis, tempore conquestus Angl. et a tempore quo non existat memoria.

Item, Clam' wrakea maris per omnes terras et feod' sua jacent, juxta mare de tempore ante conquest. Angl. et a tempore quo non exstat memoria: et quod ipse et predecessorum suorum plene usi sunt libertate predict. &c.

Number VI.

Cautions given by Mr. Fox to the reader of his Acts and Monuments; concerning some things mentioned in the first edition thereof.

MR. GEORGE BLAG is named one of the privy cham- P. 1427. ber. Nota bene, That tho' he were not admitted as one of the privy chamber, yet his ordinary resort thither, and to the king's presence there, was such as tho' he were one of them; and so commonly taken.

In the story of the duke of Somerset, where it is said, P.1545. that at the return of the earl of Warwic out of Norfolk, there was a consultation among the lords, assembling them-6 selves together at the house of Mr. York, &c. against the duke of Somerset: here is to be noted, that that coming of the lords to the said house of Mr. York, was not immediately upon the duke of Northumberland's return, but first he went to Warwic, and from thence, after a space, came to that house aforesaid.

Item, Here is also to be noted touching the said duke of Somerset, that albeit at his death relation is made of a sudden falling of the people, as was at the taking of Christ; this is not to be expounded as that I compared in any part the duke of Somerset with Christ. And tho' I do something more attribute to the commendation of the said duke of Somerset, which dyed so constantly in his religion; yet I desire the gentle reader so to take it not, that I did ever mean to derogate or impair the martial praise or facts of other

BOOK men; which also are to be commended in such things where they wel deserved.

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P. 1360.

P. 1579.

P. 1580.

Item, Touching the duke of Somerset, where the story is, that he was attainted, read indicted.

Item, Where mention is made of one Nicholas Underwode to be the betrayer of the duke of Suffolk, joyn with the said Underwode also Nicolas Laurence, alias Nicolas Ethel, keeper of Astely-park. Who taking upon him and promising to keep the duke for two or three days, until he might find some means to escape, conveyed him into a hollow tree, and after most traiterously bewrayed him. Both these live, one at Coton by Nun Eaton, and the other at Nun Eaton.

Item, In the story of sir Tho. Wyat, there is also to be corrected, that where the story saith, that he was taken by sir Clement Parson, which was not so, nor he no knight, amend it thus that he came first to Clarentius, being sent unto him, and after yielded himself to sir Morice Barckey.

The martyrdome of one Snel, about Richmond, [in Yorkshire,] in Q. Maries time, omit in the history. There were two of the Snells taken up for their religion. One, after his toes were rotted off by lying in prison, by order of Dakins, the bishop of Chester's commissary, and so went upon crutches, at last went to mass, having a certain sum of mony given him by the people. But in three or four days after, drowned himself in a river called Swail, by Richmond. The other [Snel] was burned.

A story of one Laremouth omit in the body of the history. He was a Scotchman, and chaplain to the lady Anne of Cleves. The story, for the strangeness and incredibility thereof, he would not insert in his history of the Acts and Monuments. But being testified by one Thorn, a godly minister, yet alive, which heard it of the mouth of the party himself, he added it here. He heard a voice sounding in his ears, being in prison in Q. Maries days, Arise, go thy ways. Which he giving no credit to at first, the same words were spoken the second time; which was about half an hour after.

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So he arising upon the same, immediately a piece of the pri- BOOK son fell down and as the officers came at the outward gate of the castle or prison, he leaping over the ditch escaped. And in the way, meeting a certain beggar changed his coat with him; and coming to the sea shore found a vessel ready to go over, was taken in, and escaped the search.

[Number VI.]

Dr. Thomas Wylson to sir William Cecill, kt. when he sent him the copy of his translation of certain orations of Demosthenes, for his patronage thereof.

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ET jam quidem Demosthenis tres Olynthiacas orationes, Epist. MSS. cum quatuor Philippicis, tandem aliquando indigenas feci, doctor. viet nostrates, ut potui: sed ita tamen ut advenas, ut ex sermone cognoscas. Tam enim concisus orator iste est, tam astrictus, et acumine sic ubique excellens, ut illud in eo rò devov vix sermone nostro explicari possit, aut ingeniosi nostri 7 tenuitate comprehendi. Sed quomodocunque a me conversæ sunt, si tu eas in tuo nomine apparere patieris, ego in vulgus emittam tanti viri orationes, et formis excudendas parabo. Sed ita, si tu nostræ imbecillitati sic suffragaberis, ut ignavorum quorundam contumelia tuo spiritu et gravitate compescantur.

Number VII.

Mr. Walsingham, the queen's ambassador, his letter from Paris to the lord Burleigh. His discourse with the queen mother, concerning her majesty's matching with the duke of Anjou.

IT may please your lordship to advertise her majesty, Paper Office. that Mr. Cavalcant arrived here the 24th of this month: by whom I received her majesties letters. The contents whereof after I had perused, and conferred with him touching his proceeding, for that both the king and queen mother were departed out of this town, the one to S. Leggiers, the other

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BOOK to Monceons, to bring the duke and dutchess of Lorain onward on their way; it was agreed between us, that he should repair the next day to Monceons to the queen mother there, to deliver her majesties letters; as also her answer to the articles propounded by the king. Touching his proceedings with her, I refer your lordship to his own letters. By him I understood at the return, that Q. mother would speak with me at her return to the town, if I had any thing to say unto her. So the 26 of this month [April] she repaired hither. And for that during the time of her abode here, she could have no leisure; she sent me word, that the next day, in the morning, I should repair unto her to S. Clou, four English miles from Paris; and that there I should have audience. So according to her appointment, I repaired thither the next morning, and at the time of my ac cess unto her presence, I shewed her, that I was come thither to know how she rested satisfied with the answers she received from her majesty, sent by Mr. Cavalcant, to those articles as were propounded by the king and her, to the end I might advertise her majesty.

She shewed me, that the answers made unto the articles seemed to her not to be direct; saving that which was made unto the second article concerning religion. Which, saith she, is very hard, and neerly toucheth the honour of my son; so far forth, as if he should yield thereto, the queen, your mistress, should receive also some part of the blemish, by accepting for an husband such an one, as by sudden change of religion might be thought drawn through worldly respects, void of all conscience and religion. I replyed, that I was willed to say unto her from her majesty, that she doubted not but that monsieur, her son, by her good persuasions, would accept in good part the said answer. Who meant not such sudden change of religion, as that he or his houshold should be compelled to use the rites of the English church, contrary to his or their consciences. But forasmuch as the granting unto him of the exercise of his religion, being contrary to her laws, might, by example, breed such an offence as was like to kindle such troubles as lately reigned in

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France; whereof both her self and her said son had too good BOOK experience; she therefore hoped that he, who, if the match proceeded, was to sayle with her in one ship, and to run one fortune, would not require a thing which she by no means could yield to: who tendred nothing more than the quiet and repose of her subjects. And therefore, in respect thereof, could by no means consent to any such permission, as by any likelyhood might disturb the same.

To which she replied, that the not having the exercise was as much as to change his religion: which thing he could not do upon a sudden, without the note to be of no religion. Which dishonour I am sure (added she) no respect can draw him to endanger himself to. And as he in respect of the said ignominy is resolved fully not to yield; so can I with no 8 reason persuade him thereto. And as for any peril that may happen by the same, I think rather it shal be the best way of safety for your mistress: who always, by the way of his brother's sword, should be the better able to correct any such evil subjects, as should go about to disturb the repose and quiet of her estate: which she may assure herself he wil do, without having respect to any religion: whereof lately some trial hath been made, by his consenting with the king, to have some good justice and example of punishment don at

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In answer whereof, I then besought her to consider as wel the queen's danger, as her son's honour. I shewed her that of this permission three great mischiefs would ensue. First, the violating of her laws. Secondarily, the offence of her good and faithful subjects. And lastly, the encouragement of the evil affected. Which three mischiefs if you wil weigh, said I, together with your son's honour, you shall find them of great moment: and that the queen's majesty, my mistress, hath great cause to stand to the denyal of any such permission, whereof is like to ensue so manifest peril. And as for the aid of the king's sword, I shewed her, that I thought, that the example by permission would do much more harm, than either his own or his brother's sword could do good. For that the issue of our mischiefs by civil dissen

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