General Lambert remained a few days in front of the place, but then determined not to attempt another attack, and embarked on the 16th.*

The campaign had thus been honourable for America, and at some points triumphant; yet the government laboured under severe difficulties. A large debt had been incurred, and fresh loans could hardly be raised even on ruinous terms. It had been necessary to impose heavy internal taxes, always odious to the people, and including the unwelcome heads of lands, houses, spirits, and sugar. The nation could no longer, as at first, cherish hopes of conquest, or even of attaining any one object for which the war had been undertaken. Baltimore, at first zealous for its prosecution, now petitioned against it; and the opposition in the New England states assumed daily a more alarming character. There was even, before the end of 1814, a convention held at Hartford, where it was determined to propose certain amendments of the constitution, by which the power of congress to enforce embargoes and to declare war was to be limited. Should this fail, measures were proposed by which the New England states might assume to themselves, separately from the others, the task of national defence.t

Even before this last step, the general administration had felt the urgent need of peace; and they had been spared the humiliation of making the first overtures by an offer of mediation from the Emperor of Russia, which they readily accepted. The British cabinet declined negotiating in this form, but offered to treat directly. This was acceded to; and the place, after being fixed at Gottenburg, was transferred to Ghent. There, in July 1814, Quincy Adams, Bayard, Clay, and Russell, on the American side, met with Gambier, Goulburn and W. Adams, on that of the British.

* James, vol. ii. p. 338-392. Appendix, p. 523-568. Campaign, &c., p. 252-330.

Willard, p. 371-394.

The parties began with mutual professions of a pacific disposition, after which the commissioners from Britain opened their views. They did not aim at any extension of territory, but merely such an arrangement of boundaries as might conduce to future security. Hence they desired the entire command of the lakes, and beyond them a neutral Indian territory to serve as a barrier. A more precise and a favourable settlement of the boundary with Maine and Massachusetts was also desired. The present fishing privileges must be abridged, and the right of impressment acknowledged. The Americans replied that they had no authority to yield any portion of territory, and no idea that their government would surrender their position on the lakes, or their claims on the Indian country. To it they looked as the means of national growth; they had purchased a large portion, and hoped soon to acquire the whole. Nor could they agree to any abridgment of the fishery; and instead of acknowledging the right of impressment, were instructed to demand its renunciation, as well as that of extended blockade; likewise compensation for the injuries sustained by America from these measures. The parties seemed thus very wide of each other; and the Americans transmitted to Washington unfavourable anticipations. It soon appeared, however, that the terms were not meant to be peremptory on either side. In relation to the Indians, the British limited their claim to the including of them in the treaty; and when this was declared incompatible with the States' sovereignty, offered to be satisfied with an agreement that this people should in no shape be molested for the part they had taken in the war. The question of the fishery might be passed over; and in proof of a strong conciliatory spirit, all mention of impressment would be omitted. After these concessions, they proposed the uti possidetis, or state of actual possession. The other party having repelled a basis by which they would have lost considerable portions of Maine and Massachusetts, were then asked to give in a counter project. They delivered one, proposing the state

before the war, the protection of the Indians as desired by Britain, and the reference of the disputed boundary to a friendly power; adding their original demands as to impressment, blockades, and compensation. The project was returned to them with the last three articles expunged, as wholly inadmissible. They had in fact been instructed that these could not now be insisted upon as a sine qua non; and therefore, as the other terms were admitted, the treaty was finally agreed to, and signed on the 24th December 1814. Considering that the failure at New Orleans was not then known, the Americans may be considered as having gained conditions fully as advantageous as they had reason to expect.*

The history of the United States has thus been brought to an important epoch, and indeed as far as materials exist for presenting it in a regular and documented form. Here then we shall close the narrative; but it is proposed to introduce at the end of the work a sketch of subsequent events, as complete as the less inatured means of information admit, when we shall be enabled to bring the intelligence down to the latest period.

* American State Papers (Foreign), vol. iii. p. 696-743.

CHAPTER V.

Political Constitution.

Importance of this Subject-Republican Confederations-Their Inefficiency-A Central Government formed-Its Functions -Those reserved to the States-Questions in regard to the Central Power-How these are decided-Taxation-Public Works - National Bank - Protecting Duties-Embargo— Public Lands-Legislature-Representatives-Senate-Executive-Judiciary-Actual Working of the Constitution-The Democracy-Influence of the Executive-Aristocracy-Labouring Class-State-Legislatures-Township and County Jurisdictions-Imperfect Police, Mobs, Lynch Law-Finances-Debt-State-Revenues and Debts-General Esti

mate-Military Force-Navy.

THE political constitution of the United States forms the most prominent and fundamental particular in their national arrangements. They place in it their highest pride, and are ambitious of its becoming a model for the rest of the world. Without entering at present into any comparative estimate, we may readily admit, that during more than half a century it has fulfilled the essential purposes of a government, and has been found compatible with the most rapid progress in population and wealth which any nation ever experienced. This result becomes the more remarkable, when contrasted with the bloody anarchy which has distracted the newly formed states in South America, and checked the development of their copious resources. The constitution was in fact composed by a body of men of distinguished ability, who had fully experienced and anxiously sought to guard against the evils to which its peculiar form is

liable. Most systems have sprung up gradually under the influence of circumstances; or, where designedly framed, they have been the work of single minds, as of Lycurgus, Solon, Numa. The formation of one by a delegated assembly, representing various portions of the community, was a new process, certainly possessing some advantages peculiar to itself.

The government thus formed presented the first example of a representative republic. Those of Greece and Rome had been essentially cities, having each a greater or smaller territory depending upon and supplying its wants. The very terms polis, civitas, signified equally city and state. The modern republics which sprung up in Italy and Germany had been all of the same description. Necessarily limited in extent and resources, they proved very unequal to contend with the great monarchies that arose in their vicinity, and in which most of them were gradually merged. In seeking to avert this catastrophe, republics have formed leagues or confederations, the general affairs of which were conducted by a diet or council composed of members deputed from each. Such were the Amphyctionic Council in Greece, the Diets of Germany and Switzerland, and recently the Central Junta of Spain. These, however, as Chancellor Kent observes, have proved the most inefficient political institutions ever erected by mankind. The representative council, after forming its decisions, has no means of enforcing them but by issuing orders to the different members, who, being sovereign states, obey or not as they please. In the latter case, which is always frequent, there is no resource but to summon the other members to make war on the refractory; a cumbrous and difficult process, which scarcely ever succeeds. Accordingly, the central power in such associations, after a certain interval, almost invariably sinks into a state of nullity.

The original congress, formed in 1774, had been a body of this description, elected by the states, and its orders executed only through their intervention. All