guide the vessel amid the difficulties in which it must for some time be involved. Of this general feeling he was soon apprized; yet he seems to have felt the most deep and unfeigned reluctance to undertake the task. He even declared, in a letter to General Lincoln, that it would be the greatest sacrifice of personal feelings and wishes that he had ever been called upon to make. He cherished a strong partiality for a life of rural retirement, and could hope no higher reputation than that already attained, which would even be endangered by placing himself in a new and untried situation. Having publicly renounced political life, he dreaded the reproach of inconsistency, and doubted not that, while making a reluctant sacrifice, he would be supposed to act from the mere impulse of vulgar ambition. His friends, however, urged that he could not possibly resist the general call. Colonel Hamilton, a statesman of the highest character, wrote a series of letters, representing that his aid was indispensable,-without it the new system could have no fair trial; that having gone so far in its support, he was pledged and could not recede without dishonour; in short, that no option was left. After this correspondence, though not giving an absolute consent, he seems never to have seriously hesitated. Owing to various delays, the house of representatives did not meet till the 20th March 1789, nor the senate till the 6th April following. In that body, the votes for the president, being examined, were found all, without a single exception, to have been given in favour of Washington. There was something peculiarly grand in this unanimous consent of a great nation in favour of a man distinguished only by solid merit, without the brilliant qualities which usually attract popular admiration. The possession of one whose merit crushed all dissent, was referred to by Adams, who had been named vice-president, as a special blessing of Providence on this first opening of the Union. A messenger was immediately despatched to Washington at Mount Vernon, and having probably formed his resolution, he at once ac cepted the high office. Yet in an address to the citizens of Alexandria, he declared himself unable to describe his painful emotions on the occasion, and to a confidential friend compared them to those of a culprit going to execution. His progress to Philadelphia, however, resembled a triumph; he was escorted by parties of militia, and welcomed by crowds of spectators. The bridge over the Schuylkill was studiously decorated, an arch of laurel formed for him to pass under, a civic crown dropped on his head, and at night the city was illuminated. On the 30th April, the new president, with considerable pomp, and in presence of a vast concourse of people, took the oath of office. He then proceeded to the senate, and in a sensible and pious address, without specifying any particular measure, explained the general principles that were to guide his conduct. He intimated, as formerly, his intention to decline the emoluments of the office, limiting himself to the repayment of his necessary expenses. The senate made a most cordial reply, in which they said,-" In you all parties confide; in you all interests unite; and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exertions." The answer of the house of representatives was in a tone equally gratifying.* The most urgent consideration in congress was the raising of a revenue by duties on imported goods. The necessity of this measure had been fully agreed upon by a majority of the states; yet there arose many opinions and conflicting interests as to the articles and the amount. The proposition to make a difference between those in foreign and native bottoms was objected to as favouring the shipping in preference to the agricultural interest. It was, however, carried to a certain extent; but another for a distinction in favour of those powers which had concluded commercial treaties with the states, after being passed in the lower house, was negatived in the senate. Another very urgent object was the organization and * Marshall, vol. v. p. 164-201. filling of the public departments. It was determined that there should be three,-of the treasury, of war, and of foreign affairs, with a secretary at the head of each. The constitution had provided that the nomination should rest with the president, subject to the approbation of the senate; but in the course of debate, a question arose, whether the former by his single power should be able to remove these officers. It was strongly urged that such a prerogative would raise his power to an exorbitant height, and enable him to do great injustice to deserving individuals. It was answered, that the person raised by the people to so high a station could not reasonably be supposed capable of such misconduct; and that in thus acting, he would expose himself to impeachment. The motion was carried in the lower house by a majority of 34 to 20, but in the senate only by the casting vote of the vice-president. The personal confidence placed in Washington is supposed to have been the chief cause of this privilege being intrusted to the chief magistrate; and the predictions of its never being used for political purposes or with hardship to individuals have not been fulfilled, nor have the expected remedies ever been applied. The president, thus empowered to form a cabinet, proceeded to that delicate task with his usual strict integrity and simple regard for the public good. He had refused to give any pledge in answer to numerous applications on the subject, and thus reserved himself perfectly unbiassed. The treasury, the department of most immediate importance, was intrusted to Colonel Hamilton. This choice was founded upon a long intimacy with that eminent statesman, and was fully justified by his performance of its duties; yet it proved a somewhat troublous one, as respected the president himself. Hamilton had embraced with ardour those opinions which might be termed ultra-federal, being believed to have desired a stronger government, and one more nearly approximating to the British, than the other framers would consent to; he is even supposed to have de |