CHAPTER III.

The new Constitution, and Proceedings under it.

Exhaustion of the American Government-Troubles in the Army-Its Dissolution-Disturbances throughout the Union -Meeting of Deputies at Annapolis-General Meeting at Philadelphia-Plan and Deliberations on a new Constitution -Agreed to-Opposition in the State Assemblies-Finally sanctioned-Washington President-The Cabinet-Amendments in the Constitution-Financial Plan-New TaxesNational Bank-Washington re-elected-Disputes with the Indians Severe Contests under Harmar, St Clair, and Wayne-Peace-Disturbances in Pennsylvania- Negotiations with England-With Spain-Revolution in France— Proceedings of Genet, her Ambassador-Warm Discussions -He is recalled-Treaty with Great Britain-Dissatisfaction occasioned by it-Differences in the Cabinet - Close of Washington's Presidency — Adams succeeds Mission to France of Monroe-Of Pinckney-Hostile Conduct of that Government-Corrupt Proposals of Talleyrand-Preparations for War-Accommodation effected-Democratic Spirit prevails-Jefferson President-Acquisition of Louisiana by Purchase-Expedition to Tripoli-Death of HamiltonDaring Enterprise of Burr-Defeated.

THE United States had thus brought this long struggle to a triumphant issue; yet it left them in a state of peculiar distress and exhaustion. They had incurred a debt of 42,000,000 of dollars (above £9,000,000 sterling), besides 24,000,000 incurred by the particular states. The power of congress to provide for this burden, and generally to execute any of the functions of government, had become almost a nullity. Of 8,000,000 dollars, which they had demanded in 1782 as absolutely neces

sary for these purposes, they had received only 420,000. Much of the territory had been laid waste by the war, while foreign commerce was nearly annihilated, and internal trade greatly obstructed, through restrictions imposed by the separate legislatures, who were wholly disinclined to submit to any general regulation. Hence, too, it became impossible to enter into any commercial arrangement with foreign nations.*

The most urgent pressure arose from the arrears and claims of the army, amounting still to about 10,000 men. During several years they had been almost in a state of starvation, receiving a very small proportion of their pay, and in depreciated currency. They had been flattered by promises of ample liquidation as soon as the contest should terminate; but on seeing the near approach of this event, and of their own consequent dissolution, they began deeply to speculate how and by whom these promises were to be fulfilled. Congress was manifestly incapable of doing more than hand them over to the states, with a favourable recommendation, the efficacy of which long experience had taught them to estimate. The officers in 1780 had received the promise of half-pay; but many states had expressed strong scruples against this measure as unconstitutional and aristocratic, and seemed little inclined to burden at once their consciences and their purses by its fulfilment. Amid these considerations, a disposition arose among the troops to use the arms which they held in their hands as the means of obtaining justice. A colonel, respectable from age and services, wrote to Washington in the name of a number of his brother officers, pointing out the deplorable state of the country, the manifest inefficiency of a republican constitution, and the necessity of adopting a mixed government, in which the power and even the name of king might not be omitted. It was evident at whom he hinted; and Washington had certainly a very fair prospect of being able to assume the sovereign

Pitkin, vol. ii. p. 180. Marshall, vol. iv. p. 669.

authority. That patriotic commander, however, indignantly repelled the idea, expressing a painful regret that it should have arisen among any part of the army.

This proposal was not renewed; but as the prospects of peace became brighter, the anxieties of the army deepened. In December 1783, the officers intrusted a committee of their number with a memorial to congress, representing their distressing situation, complaining that the promises hitherto made had produced only shadows, and demanding their substantial execution. They offered, since objections had been made to the half-pay, to commute it for a certain number of years of the full amount. Some of the members strongly supported their claim, proposing five full years as a fair compensation; but as the consent of nine states could not be obtained, the consideration of the affair dropped. The committee reported this result to the officers, among whom the ferment soon became extreme. On the 10th March, a meeting was called by an anonymous notice, accompanied with a letter, written, as was afterwards ascertained, by Major Armstrong. It complained in glowing terms of their hardships; while their country, instead of rewarding their services, trampled upon their rights, disdained their cries, and insulted their distresses. "Can you," it was said, "consent to be the only sufferers by this revolution; and, retiring from the field, grow old in poverty, wretchedness, and contempt! Can you consent to wade through the vile mire of dependency, and owe the miserable remnant of that life to charity, which has hitherto been spent in honour?-Awake; attend to your situation, and redress yourselves. If the present moment be lost, every future effort is in vain!" He proposed, therefore, instead of a milk and water memorial, to send a remonstrance, the tenor of which might harmonize with that of the letter. Doubtless the meeting, if held, would have fully responded to these sentiments. Washington, however, was fortunately in the

* Sparks, vol. i. p. 380-385. Marshall, vol. iv. p. 642.

camp, and acted with his usual firmness and prudence. Besides dealing with individuals, he called a general meeting instead of the proposed irregular one. He reprobated the tenor of the letter, and the implied proposal of either deserting their country or turning their arms against her; at the same time expressing the strongest sense of their merits, and pledging himself to use his utmost efforts to obtain their demands. A complete turn was thus given to their feelings;-they unanimously declared full confidence in him, and appointed a committee, who drew up a series of resolutions avowing their abhorrence of the propositions made in the letter, but expressing a desire that the commander would write to the president of congress, earnestly soliciting a speedy decision. Washington did write in very strong language, which, coupled doubtless with a knowledge of the serious insurrectionary movements, procured an assent of nine states to the terms demanded. There were, however, no funds to make good this vote; and all the address of Washington was necessary to induce the troops to disband upon the mere engagement of congress. Indeed, a small detachment, which swelled to 300, marched to the house of assembly, and threatened that body, but were soon put down; and the pledges given to the army were we believe ultimately fulfilled.*

On the 24th March 1783, a French vessel from Cadiz brought a letter from La Fayette, announcing the signature of the preliminary treaty. Soon after, Sir Guy Carleton gave an official notice of the same tenor. It was not, however, till the 25th November that—the definitive articles having been concluded the British army evacuated New York, and the Americans from West Point entered. On the 4th December, Washington took a solemn and deeply affecting farewell of his companions in arms, with whom he had passed through so many trying scenes and vicissitudes. On the 23d, he repaired to Annapolis, then the seat of congress, into

whose hands he resigned his commission, and retired finally, as he believed and wished, into private life.

The Union was thus delivered from any imminent danger; yet it lay in a helpless, inert, distracted state, unable to command either tranquillity at home or respect abroad. The small remnant of regard for the authority of congress, which had survived while there was any sense of peril, entirely ceased. Its members in vain urged the state assemblies to agree to a common duty on imports and exports, and to such general regulations of trade as might afford a basis for a commercial treaty. The mercantile states imagined that these measures would operate upon them unequally; and New York, the centre of this interest, absolutely refused its concurrence. Congress had power to make treaties, but not to enforce their observance; to contract debts, but not to pay them. Early in 1783, they drew up a plan for meeting at least the interest of the national debt; and Washington hesitated not to write to the several governors, urging in the strongest terms its adoption. Some impression was at first made; but the states soon relapsed into their habitual indifference. During fourteen months, there were paid into the public treasury only 482,890 dollars; and the foreign interest was only defrayed by a fresh loan made in Holland. There was, indeed, a party throughout the confederation, zealous to support the central authority, and to maintain public credit; but another and powerful one arose, hostile to the former and indifferent to the latter. They began even to cherish an indisposition to pay any taxes whatever, or to place themselves at all under legal restraint. Conventions were formed, under whose direction mobs broke into the court-houses and dispersed the judges. Hence, not only public securities were reduced to a trifling value, but private property was greatly depreciated, from the uncertainty of protection.

It is remarkable that the centre of this lawless spirit should have been in New England. It prevailed there among a majority of the active young cultivators,