Indeed, from 1828 to 1833, Mexico witnessed the ascendency of Santa Anna, the triumphs of Bustamente, the elevation of Guerrero, the popu

claimed me Emperor. "Live Agustin the First!" was the univeral cry. Instantly, as if all were actuated by the same sentiment, that extensive capital was illuminated; the balconies were decorated, and filled with the most respectable inhabitants, who joyously echoed back the acclamations of the immense crowds of people which thronged all the streets, especially those near the house where I resided. Not one citizen expressed any disapprobation, a decided proof of the weakness of my enemies, and of the universality of the public opinion in my favor. No accident or disorder of any kind occurred. The first impulse of my mind was to go forth and declare my determination not to yield to the wishes of the people. If I restrained myself from appearing before them for that purpose, it was solely in compliance with the counsel of a friend who happened at the moment to be with me. "They will consider it an insult," he had scarcely time to say to me, "and the people know no restraint when they are irritated. You must make this fresh sacrifice to the public good; the country is in danger; remain a moment longer undecided, and you will hear their acclamations turned into death-shouts." I felt it necessary to resign myself to circumstances; and I spent the whole of that night in allaying the general enthusiasm, and persuading the troops to give time for my decision, and in the meanwhile to render obedience to the Congress. I went out repeatedly to harangue them, and wrote a short proclamation, which was circulated the following morning, and in which I expressed the same sentiments as those I addressed to the people. I convened the regency, assembled the generals and superior officers, communicated what had occurred by dispatch to the president of the Congress, and requested him to summon immediately an extraordinary sitting. The regency was of opinion that I ought to yield to public opinion; the superior officers of the army added, that such also was their unanimous opinion, that it was expedient I should do so, and that I was not at liberty to act according to my own desires, as I had dedicated myself entirely to my country; that their privations and sufferings would be useless if I persisted in my objections; and that having compromised themselves through me, and having yielded me unqualified obedience, they had a claim to my compliance. They subsequently drew up a memorial which they presented to the Congress, requesting it to take this important matter into its consideration. This paper was signed also by the individual who subsequently officiated as president of the act of Casa-Mata, and by one of the present members of the executive body.

larity of Gomez Farias, the victories of Bravo, the Presidency of Pedraza, and the disgrace of each and all in succession. In 1834 Santa Anna forced

"The Congress met on the following morning; the people crowded to the galleries and the entrance to the chamber: their applauses were incessant; a joyous agitation was observable in every face; the speeches of the deputies were interrupted by the impatience of the multitude. It is difficult to obtain order in moments like these; but such an important discussion required it, and in order to attain that object, the Congress required that I should be present at the sitting. A deputation was appointed, who communicated the invitation to me. I declined it, because as they were about to treat of me personally, my presence might be considered as a restraint on the freedom of debate, and an impediment to the clear and frank expression of each individual's opinion. The deputation and several general officers, however, prevailed on me to accept the invitation, and I immediately went out in order to proceed to the place where the Congress were assembled. The streets were scarcely passable, so crowded were they with the inhabitants of the capital; they took the horses from my carriage, and I was drawn by the people, and amidst their enthusiastic acclamations, to the palace of the Congress. On entering the hall where the deputies were assembled, the vivas were still more enthusiastic, and resounded from every quarter.

"The question of the nomination was discussed, and there was not a single deputy who opposed my accession to the throne. The only hesitation expressed by a few, arose from a consideration that their powers were not extensive enough to authorize them to decide on the question. It appeared to them that it would be necessary to notify the subject to provinces, and to require from them an enlargement of powers already granted, or new powers specifically applicable to this case alone. I supported this opinion, as it afforded me an opportunity of finding out some means for evading the acceptance of a situation which I was most anxious to decline. But the majority were of a contrary opinion, and I was elected by seventy-seven voices against fifteen. These latter did not deny me their suffrages; they confined themselves simply to the expression of their belief, that the provinces ought to be consulted, since they did not think their powers ample enough, but at the same time they said that they were persuaded that their constituents would agree with the majority, and think that what was done was in every respect conducive to the public welfare. Mexico never witnessed a day of more unmixed satisfaction; every order of the inhabitants testified it. I returned home as I had proceeded to the Congress, my carriage drawn by the people, who crowded

the Congress to suspend its Sessions, and while that body were engaged in remodelling the constitution, commenced the Texas revolution, which ended in the independence of that country, thus severing for ever from Mexico a large portion of her territory, and which subsequently produced results of the greatest magnitude, involving two great republics in the conflict of arms, and terminating in the conquest of Mexico and the dismemberment of her territory. This brings us to the important question of the Texas revolution, the independence of that country, its annexation to the United States, and the war which ensued, which will be examined more in detail.

around to congratulate me, expressing the pleasure which they felt on seeing their wishes fulfilled."

CHAPTER IV.

The Boundaries of Texas.-Becomes a member of the Confederacy of 1824. -The Texas which was obtained from France in 1803, and which was ceded to Spain in 1819.-Grant of land to Moses Austin.-Settlement of Texas.-General Cos with a military force crosses the Nueces.-Collision of Arms.-Cos is forced to surrender.-Santa Anna invades Texas in person. The garrison of Alamo slaughtered.-Murder of Fanning's command. Battle of San Jacinto.-Santa Anna makes a treaty with the Texans.-The Mexicans evacuate Texas.-The claim of Texas to the Rio Grande.

THE Texas Revolution, and its consequences, were prominent causes of the war with Mexico; and therefore the settlement of Texas, its independence and annexation to the United States, must be briefly examined. It has been unjustly asserted by those whose position entitled their opinions to some consideration, that the first settlers of Texas were outlaws from their native land. That their object in emigrating to Texas was to seek an asylum, and when they had obtained sufficient strength, to sever from Mexico by force that portion of her territory. This charge is as unfounded as unjust.

In the investigation of this branch of the subject, it becomes important to ascertain what were the boundaries of Texas, at the date of her revolution.

It has been asserted, that, as the independence of that country was accomplished by revolution,

only so much as was forcibly wrested from Mexico by the sword, was annexed to this country. On the other side, it has been as strenuously insisted, that the country known as Texas, has always been bounded on the south and west by the Rio Bravo; and to the extent of these boundaries was incorporated as a State into the Mexican confederacy. The several States of Mexico, in 1824, adopted a constitution similar to our own; and it has been insisted, that Texas, as one of those States, becoming a party to the compact, was bound by its provisions only so long as they remained in force. That the constitution of 1824 was a compact of States, there can be no doubt.* Santa Anna, subsequently to that period, having by force and fraud violated that constitution, each State in the confederacy was resolved into its original element. It is not easily conceived how this reasoning can be successfully controverted. It is strongly fortified by analogy.

*ART. 4. The Mexican nation adopts for its government the form of republican representative, popular, federal.

ART. 5. The parts of this federation are the States and Territories. ART. 171. The articles of this Constitution, and the constitutional act which establishes the liberty and independence of the Mexican nation, its religion, form of government, liberty of the press, and division of the supreme powers of the federation and the States, can never be reformed. -Mexican Constitution of 1824.

"ART. 2. It is free and independent of the other United Mexican States, and of every other foreign power and dominion." Passed March 11th, 1827, and accepted by Mexico.-Constitution of Texas.

Vattel says it is a truth" acknowledged by every sensible writer, whose pen is not enslaved by fear or sold for hire, that as soon as a prince attacks the constitution of the state, he breaks the contract which bound the people to him; the people become free by the act of the sovereign, and can no longer view him but as a usurper, who would load them with oppression."