of Texas into the Union; while the doctrines of Mr. Van Buren, meeting with no sympathy from a majority of the democratic party, resulted in his defeat in the Baltimore Convention, and produced the nomination of Mr. Polk. At the meeting of that convention, the claims of the latter gentleman were alone pressed for the office of Vice President, and it was only when there was danger that violence and anarchy would produce a dissolution of the body, that he was selected as the compromise candidate.* About the same time the Whig Con

*The Baltimore Convention assembled on the 27th of May, 1844. Mr. Hendricks R. Wright of Pennsylvania was appointed President. The two-thirds rule was adopted by a vote of 148 to 116. This was regarded as a test vote, the Van Buren men going in a mass against it.

The first ballot resulted in the following vote: Van Buren, 146; Cass, 83; Johnson, 24; Buchanan, 4; Woodburý, 2; Stuart, 1; Calhoun, 6. The second ballot: Van Buren, 127: Cass, 94; Johnson, 33; Buchanan, 9; Stuart, 1; Calhoun, 1.

Third ballot Van Buren, 121; Cass, 92; Johnson, 33; Buchanan, 11; Woobury, 2; Calhoun, 2.

Fourth ballot: Van Buren, 111; Cass, 105; Johnson, 32; Buchanan, 17; Calhoun, 1.

26.

Fifth ballot Van Buren, 103; Cass, 107; Johnson, 29; Buchanan,

Sixth ballot Van Buren, 101; Cass, 116; Johnson, 23; Buchanan, 25; Calhoun, 1.

Seventh ballot Van Buren, 99; Cass, 123; Johnson, 21; Buchanan, 22; Calhoun 1.

The excitement now became intense, and disorder and confusion prevailed.

An effort was now made to establish the majority rule, but failed; 118 voting for, and 148 against. On Wednesday the Convention again met. Eighth ballot: Van Buren, 104; Cass, 114; Buchanan, 2; Polk, 44; Calhoun, 2.

Ninth ballot Polk, whole number of votes, 266.

Mr. Wright was nominated for the Vice Presidency, but declined

vention, with great unanimity and enthusiasm, nominated Mr. Clay, and thus the two aspirants were placed before the American people. Accusations were made by each party against the other, of unfairness in conducting the canvass. It was asserted by the whigs, that the northern democracy touched lightly upon the question of annexation, and inscribed upon their flags the motto of "Polk, Dallas, and the Tariff of 1842;" the democrats as positively declared that the southern whigs did not hesitate to denounce the question of the annexation of Texas after the publication of Mr. Clay's letter, although they had most zealously advocated that measure while his opinions were unknown.

It is but justice to both parties to say, that the canvass was the most exciting since the organization of our Government, and was conducted with as much fairness as usually characterizes those struggles. It is an evil which is an inevitable result of all elections where parties are zealously supporting their favorite candidates, that all the opinions, even if frankly promulgated by the aspirants, are not as frankly reiterated by partisan orators and the press of the country. Still this conduct upon the part of the politicians does not prevent the people from honestly giving their support to that individual

accepting the nomination, and on Thursday the Convention proceeded to elect another candidate.

First ballot Fairfield, 87; Woodbury, 56; Cass, 29; Johnson, 26; Stewart, 23; Dallas, 13; Marcy, 5.

Second ballot: Dallas, 220; Fairfield, 30; Woodbury 6.

who will illustrate, in the administration of public affairs, the political opinions which they advocate. It cannot be denied that it was known to the American people, that Mr. Polk was in favor of the immediate annexation of Texas to the United States, and in triumphantly electing him, they consequently sanctioned that measure.*

The prominent questions discussed during the canvass of 1844 were the currency, the tariff, the annexation of Texas, the veto power, and the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands. The Democratic Convention which nominated Mr. Polk at Baltimore, in May, 1844, laid down a

* "You request from me an explicit expression of opinion upon this question of annexation. Having at no time entertained opinions upon public subjects which I was unwilling to avow, it gives me pleasure to comply with your request. I have no hesitation in declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas to the territory and government of the United States. I entertain no doubts as to the power or expediency of the re-annexation.

*

"It is a part of the great valley of the Mississippi, directly connected by its navigable waters with the Mississippi River, and having once been a part of our Union, it should never have been dismembered from it. The government and people of Texas, it is understood, not only give their consent, but are anxiously desirous to be re-united to the United States. If the application of Texas for a re-union and admission into our confederacy shall be rejected by the United States, there is imminent danger that she will become a dependency, if not a colony of Great Britain-an event which no American patriot, anxious for the safety and prosperity of this country, could permit to occur without the most strenuous resistance. Let Texas be re-annexed, and the authority and laws of the United States be established and maintained within her limits, and also in the Oregon Territory, and let the fixed policy of our government be, not to permit Great Britain, or any other foreign power, to plant a colony or hold dominion over any portion of the people or territory of either."-Letter of JAMES K. POLK, April 23, 1844.

platform for the campaign.* The whig party at the time they nominated Mr. Clay at Baltimore, on

*Resolved, That the Federal Government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the Constitution, and the grants of power shown therein, ought to be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the Government, and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers.

2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the Federal Govern ment the power to commence and carry on a general system of interna. improvement.

3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal Government, directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States contracted for local or internal improvements, or other state purposes, nor would such assumption be just and expedient.

4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster one branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of one portion to the injury of another portion of our common country; that every citizen of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights and privileges, and to compel an ample protection of persons and property from domestic violence and foreign aggression.

5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce and practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the Government.

6. That Congress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of the country, dangerous to our republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of the people.

7. That Congress has no power, under the Constitution, to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that such States are the sole and proper judges of every thing appertaining to their own affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others, made to induce Congress to interfere with the question of slavery, or take incipient steps in relation thereto, are calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not to be countenanced by any friend to our political institutions.

the 1st of May, 1844, adopted certain resolutions.*

The struggle was fiercely contested, and almost every expedient was resorted to for the purpose of winning votes. The friends of both the candidates

8. That the separation of the moneys of the government from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the government, and the rights of the people.

Resolved, That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the national objects specified in the Constitution; and that we are opposed to the law lately adopted, and to any law for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy and repugnant to the Constitution.

Resolutions were also adopted against taking from the President the right of exercising the veto power; and proclaiming our title to the whole of the territory of Oregon and against surrendering any portion of it to Great Britain, and also in favor of the annexation of Texas.

Mr. Benjamin F. Butler was chairman of the committee who reported the resolutions.

*The Whig Convention assembled at Baltimore, May 1st, 1844. Hon. Ambrose Spencer, of New-York, was appointed President. Henry Clay was nominated for the Presidency, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for the Vice Presidency.

The following resolutions were unanimously adopted at the Whig Convention of May, 1844.

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'Resolved, That in presenting to the country the names of Henry Clay for President, and Theodore Frelinghuysen for Vice President, the convention is actuated by the conviction that all the great principles of the whig party-principles inseparable from the public honor and prosperity-will be maintained and advanced by the election of these candidates.

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Resolved, That these principles may be summed as comprising a well regulated national currency, a tariff for revenue to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and discriminating with special reference to the protection of the domestic labor of the country, the distribution of the proceeds from the sales of the public lands, a single term for the Presidency, a reform of executive usurpations, and generally such an administration of the affairs of the country as shall impart to every branch of the public service the greatest practicable efficiency, controlled by a well regulated and wise economy."