tish ambassador upon this subject, had not scrupled to deny having afforded any aid whatever to the colonies; so that a breach of its honour, that is, an exposure of its deceit, was apprehended, in now making the statement. The minister therefore replied, that Beaumarchais had merely received these stores from his majesty's arsenals as a personal accommodation, and on condition of replacing them; gravely adding, that he knew nothing of such a house as Roderique, Hortales, and Company. Some time after, a controversy having arisen with Mr Deane, Thomas Paine, then secretary of the committee for foreign affairs, published a pamphlet, broadly stating that the stores had been supplied by the French government as a gift, and with an express intimation that no payment was expected. Hereupon Gerard, the French ambassador, presented two memorials to congress, calling upon them for an explicit disavowal of these assertions. That body, according to Mr Pitkin, could not possibly at this time quarrel with France on any ground, and therefore put forth the declaration demanded, though having, he admits, the strongest ground for believing it untrue. Paine, for his indiscretion, was obliged to resign his office; and it became impossible to escape from the engagement to pay in the course of three years the demands of Beaumarchais. Congress still hoped that the French ministry would in some way interpose to avert this burdensome obligation; but they were disappointed; and through this chain of circumstances, so little creditable to all parties, they were under the hard necessity of paying a profligate adventurer for supplies which had in fact been freely furnished to them out of the French magazines. He even intercepted one of three millions of livres covertly presented to them by their ally; but before the final settlement, they learned this fraud, and deducted it from the payment.*

As soon as the declaration of independence had been fully matured, congress applied itself openly and with

* Pitkin, vol. i. pp. 386-388, 403-405, 415-418, 422. Diplom. Corresp., vol. ii. pp. 14-18, 57, 235.

the

increased vigour to the object of foreign alliances. On the 11th June, a committee was appointed to prepare a plan, which was not however matured and approved till the 17th September, when Dr Franklin, Mr Deane, and Mr Lee were appointed commissioners to proceed to France. The former, from his weight of character, sound judgment, and address, had almost the entire direction. On reaching Paris, however, in December 1776, he found the cabinet by no means prepared openly to espouse the cause of the States, or even to acknowledge their independence. Friendly professions were made, and a continuance of private succours promised; but there was an evident determination against proceeding farther till it should appear whether they could resist the shock of the British armies, the pressure of which was then so severe. The disasters of the campaign increased the anxiety of congress upon subject. They sent commissioners to the courts of Vienna, Spain, Prussia, and Tuscany; and in order to induce France to declare openly in their favour, offered large privileges for commerce and fishery, and even the possession of such West India islands as might be captured during the war. But the same distresses which impelled to these overtures, made the court cautious of accepting them, and continue to watch the train of events. The campaign of 1777, notwithstanding its misfortunes, was considered to afford prospects of making a permanent stand; but the French counsels evidently vacillated with every intelligence and even report which arrived from America. No change took place till the arrival, early in December, of the momentous tidings of Burgoyne's surrender, which at once gave a decisive turn to the views of the cabinet. On the 16th, M. Gerard intimated to the commissioners that, after long deliberation, the king had determined to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and also to afford them support, though thereby involving himself in an expensive war. It was frankly admitted that he thus acted, not merely from a friendly disposition towards them, but for the promotion of his

own political interests. On the 8th January 1778, Louis wrote a letter to his uncle, the king of Spain, referring to Britain as their common and inveterate enemy. During the pending contest, he had afforded to the colonies supplies of money and stores, at which England had taken deep umbrage, and would no doubt seize the first opportunity of avenging herself. The Americans had indeed shown that they were not to be subdued, but Britain might succeed in her present attempts to form a close and friendly alliance with them, and thus turn her arms undivided against her continental enemies; now, therefore, was the time to form such a connexion as might prevent any reunion between them and the mother-country.

In pursuance of these views, there was concluded, on the 6th February, a treaty of commerce, accompanied by one of defensive alliance in the well-foreseen case of war being the result. The allies were to make common cause with the States, and to maintain their absolute independence. Whatever conquests should be made on the continent were to be secured to them, but those in the West Indies to the crown of France. Adams expresses extraordinary exultation at this arrangement, anticipating not only assured success to America, but the entire humiliation of Britain, which he compares to a widespreading tree girdled at the root. Her wealth had been lost with her colonies, and could never be regained; her fleet could no longer cope with that of France. By yielding now, she might retain the rank of a second-rate power; otherwise she must be crushed into total insignificance. Many months, however, had not elapsed till he was obliged to own that these expectations had been fallacious, and to behold the unaided resources of the mother-country equal to the combined hostility of Europe and America.*

*Pitkin, vol. i. pp. 389-392, 398-400. Diplom. Corresp., vòl. iii. pp. 6, 9, 10; vol. iv. pp. 262, 293, 315, 405.

CHAPTER II.

Revolution, from the Alliance with France to the Peace in 1783.

War between Britain and France-Distresses of Washington -British Commissioners to treat for Peace-Their Reception -Evacuation of Philadelphia-Repulse of the Americans— French Naval Operations—Advantages gained by the British-Indian War in the West-Plans of Campaign-Distress of the Americans-Spain joins their Cause-Various Naval and Military Operations-Defeat of Lincoln-Siege of Savannah-Raised-Siege of Charleston-SurrenderBritish overrun the Carolinas-Defeat of Gates, and Death of Ferguson-Return of Cornwallis-Greene succeeds to the Command-Battle of Cowpens-Retreat of the Americans-They return-Battle of Guildford-Cornwallis retires to Wilmington-Greene invades South CarolinaCornwallis marches into Virginia-Battle of Camden-Successes of the American Parties-Repulsed at Ninety-sixRawdon falls back-Battle of Eutaw-Causes of British Failure-Operations near New York-Expedition sent from France-Adventures of Arnold-His Ill-treatment-Treacherous Desertion-Death of André-Financial Difficulties of Congress Junction of French and American Armies-Successes of Cornwallis in Virginia-Washington marches thither-Naval Operations in the Chesapeake-Plans of Clinton and Cornwallis-The latter besieged in York-Surrender --Clinton's Attempts to relieve him-War with Holland-Change of the British Ministry-Ambassadors meet at Paris -Discussions-Treaty with America-With France and

Spain.

THE treaty between France and America, though soon generally known, was for some time studiously concealed from the British minister. On the 13th March, how

ever, the French ambassador at London delivered a note referring to the United States as already in full possession of independence, whence his majesty had concluded with them a treaty of friendship and commerce, and would take effectual measures to prevent its interruption. Professions were made of the king's anxiety to cultivate a good understanding with Britain and his sincere disposition for peace, of which it was ironically said that new proofs would be found in this communication. On the 17th, this document was laid before Parliament, with a message from the crown, stating that the British ambassador had in consequence been ordered to withdraw from Paris, and expressing trust in the zealous and affectionate support of the people for repelling this unprovoked aggression combined with insult. An address echoing the message was moved in both houses; but the opposition reproached ministers with not having duly foreseen or prepared for this emergency; while a few repelled as now hopeless the idea of holding America under any kind of dependence. It was carried, however, by majorities, in the Commons of 263 to 113; in the Lords of 68 to 25. The message for calling out the militia was sanctioned without a division.*

In Pennsylvania, meantime, the two armies continued viewing each other without any material warlike movement. The distress suffered by Washington at Valleyforge was extreme, congress taking no efficient measures to supply the troops with clothes or even provisions. That body indeed showed a decided jealousy of the army, and by ill treatment did its utmost to render their suspicions well founded. The officers had to complain, not only of irregularity in receiving their pay, but of obtaining no promise of half-pay at the end of the war; this last, however, through the remonstrances of Washington, was at length secured. That great man was farther harassed by a combination formed against himself and shared by Gates, whose friends contrasted his brilliant success

* Adolphus, vol. iii. p. 64-69.