them, and state the account; and that, if a balance appears in their favor, it shall be paid by us to you, and by you divided among them as you shall think proper; and if the balance is found due to us, it shall be paid by you.

Give me leave, however, to advise you to prevent the necessity of so dreadful a discussion by dropping the article, that we may write to America and stop the inquiry. I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM BENJAMIN VAUGHAN TO B. FRANKLIN.

MY DEAREST SIR,

Paris, 27 November, 1782.

I am so agitated with the present crisis, that I cannot help writing to you, to beseech you again and again to meditate upon some mild expedient about the refugees, or to give a favorable ear and helping hand to such as may turn up.

Both sides agree, that the matter of expense is nothing; and the matter of honor in my opinion is least to that side, which has most sense and most justice on its side. It seems to me, that the matter of present peace, and that of future happiness, are the only points of true concern to either.

If I can judge of favorable moments, the present is of all others most favorable to our views of reconciliation. We have liberal American Commissioners at Paris, a liberal English Commissioner, and a liberal first minister for England. All these circumstances may vanish to-morrow, if this treaty blows over.

If you wanted to break off your treaty, I am perfectly sensible that you could not do it on grounds in which America would more join with you, than this

of the refugees. On the other hand, if England wanted to break, she could not wish for better ground en her side. You do not break; and therefore I conclude you both sincere. But in this way, I see the treaty is likely of itself to break. I pray then, my dearest, dearest Sir, that you would a little take this matter to heart.

If the refugees are not silenced, you must be sensible what constant prompters to evil measures you leave us, what perpetual sources of bad information. If the minister is able, on the other hand, to hold up his head on this one point, you must see how much easier it will be for you both to carry on the great work of re-union, as far as relates to prince and people. We are not well informed about the deeds of the refugees in England; and we and we can only now be well informed by publications, that would do irreparable mischief.

Besides, you are the most magnanimous nation; and can excuse things to your people, which we can less. excuse to ours. Not to mention, that, when Congress sent you their last resolutions, they were not aware that you would be so near a settlement as you are at present. To judge which is the hardest task, yours, or England's, put yourself in Lord Shelburne's place. The only marks of confidence shown him at Paris are such as he dares not name; and the only marks promised him are future national ones. England has given much ground of confidence to America. In my opinion, England will do her business in the way of RECONCILIATION, very much in proportion as you do your business generously at the present peace. England is to be won, as well as America is to be won; and I beg you would think with yourself and your colleagues about the means. Excuse this freedom, my

dearest Sir; it is the result of a very warm heart, that thinks a little property nothing, to much happiness. I do not, however, ask you to do a dishonorable thing, but simply to save England; and to give our English ministry the means of saying, on the 5th of December, we have done more than the last ministry have done. I hope you will not think this zeal persecution; for I shall not mention this subject to you again, of my own accord.

I know you have justice on your side; I know you may talk of precedents; but there is such a thing as forgiveness, as generosity, and as a manly policy, that can share a small loss, rather than miss a greater good. I am, &c. B. VAUGHAN.

SIR,

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, 29 November, 1782.

I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that the Commissioners of the United States have agreed with Mr. Oswald on the preliminary articles of the peace between those, States and Great Britain. Tomorrow I hope we shall be able to communicate to your Excellency a copy of them. With great respect, I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Enclosing a Copy of the Preliminary Articles.

Passy, 4 December, 1782.

SIR, We detain the Washington a little longer, expect ing an English passport for her in a few days, and,

as possibly some vessel bound for North America may sail before her, I write this line to inform you, that the French preliminaries with England are not yet signed, though we hope they may be very soon. Of ours I enclose a copy. The Dutch and Spain have yet made but little progress; and, as no definitive treaty will be signed till all are agreed, there may be time. for Congress to give us further instructions, if they think proper. We hope the terms we have obtained will be satisfactory, though, to secure our main points, we may have yielded too much in favor of the loyalists. The quantity of aid to be afforded us remains undecided. I suppose something depends on the event of the treaty. By the Washington you will be fully informed of every thing. With great regard, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Difficulties in conveying Intelligence to America. Supplies from France. History of the Negotiation. Principal Preliminaries between France and England agreed to. - Proceedings in Regard to Sweden.

Passy, 5 December, 1782.

SIR, I am honored by your several letters, dated September 5th, 13th, 15th, and 18th.* I believe that the complaints you make in them, of my not writing, may ere now have appeared less necessary, as many of my letters written before those complaints must have

See Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. IV. pp. 10, 18, 19.

since come to hand. I will nevertheless mention some of the difficulties your ministers meet with, in keeping up a regular and punctual correspondence. We are far from the seaports, and not well informed, and often misinformed, about the sailing of vessels. Frequently we are told they are to sail in a week or two, and often they lie in the ports for months after, with our letters on board, either waiting for convoy, or for other reasons. The postoffice here is an unsafe conveyance; many of the letters we receive by it have evidently been opened, and doubtless the same happens to those we send; and, at this time particularly, there is so violent a curiosity in all kinds of people to know something relating to the negotiations, and whether peace may be expected, or a continuance of the war, that there are few private hands or travellers, that we can trust with carrying our despatches to the seacoast; and I imagine, that they may sometimes be opened and destroyed, because they cannot be well sealed.

Again, the observation you make, that the Congress ministers in Europe seem to form themselves into a privy council, transacting affairs without the privity or concurrence of the sovereign, may be in some respects just; but it should be considered, that, if they do not write as frequently as other ministers here do to their respective courts, or if, when they write, their letters are not regularly received, the greater distance of the seat of war, and the extreme irregularity of conveyances may be the causes, and not a desire of acting without the knowledge or orders of their constituents. There is no European court, to which an express cannot be sent from Paris in ten or fifteen days, and from most of them answers may be obtained in that time. There is, I imagine, no minister, who would