recommending the measure. However, I will do what you shall think best. "I heartily wish you success in any endeavours you may use in Holland for raising a loan of money. We have pressed rather too hard on this court, and we still want more than they can conveniently spare us; but I am sorry, that too scrupulous regard to our wants and difficulties should induce you, under the present infirmity of your lower limbs, to deny yourself the necessary comfort of an easy carriage, rather than make any use of the public assistance, when the public must be much in your debt. I beg you would get over that difficulty, and take of me what you may save occasion for. "The letter you forwarded to me was from America's constant friend, the good Bishop of St. Asaph. He speaks of you in terms of the highest esteem and respect. "Mr. Oswald has gone back again to London, but intended to return again immediately. Mr. Grenville remains here, and has received power to treat, but no futher steps can be taken till Spain and Holland have empowered ministers for the same purpose. "I shall inform you and Mr. Adams (if he does not come) of the proceeding from time to time, and request your counsel in cases of any difficulty. I hope you will not think of hazarding a return to America before a peace, if we find any hopes of its being soon obtained; and that, if you do not find you can be useful in the manner you wish, in Holland, you will make me happy by your company and counsel here With great and sincere esteem, &c. "B. FRANKLIN." May 26th, I received the following from Mr Hartley. FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN. "MY DEAR FRIEND, "London, 13 May, 1782. "I wrote you a long letter dated May 1st,* by Mr. Laurens, who left London on Saturday last, but I will add a few lines now by a conveyance, which I believe will overtake him, just to tell you two or three things, which I believe I omitted in my last. Perhaps they may not be of any consequence, but, as they relate to my own conduct, I could wish to have you understand them. "After several conferences with the late ministry, I gave in the paper, called the Breviate,† on the 7th of February, but I never received any answer from them.. They resigned on the 20th of March. Upon the ac cession of the new ministry, I heard nothing from them upon the subject, nor indeed did I apply to them. I did no know whether that paper would not come into their hands by succession, and I doubted whether it might not be more proper for me to wait till I heard from them. While I remained doubtful about this, I received your letters, which determined me to go to Lord Shelburne. This was about the beginning of the present month. I communicated to him some extracts, such as those about the prisoners, &c., and likewise the whole of your letter of April 13th, containing the offer of the late ministry, the King of France's answer, together with your reflections in the conclusion respecting peace. As you had given me a general permission, I left with him a copy of the whole letter 66 Upon the occasion of this interview, Lord Shel * See Diplomatic Correspondence. Vol III. p. 343. bnd. p. 351. burne told me, that he had made much inquiry in the offices for the correspondence and papers, which had passed between the late ministry and me, but that he could not meet with them. He expressed a regret, that he had not conversed with me at an earlier day, with many civilities of that kind. In short, I had been backward to intrude myself, and he expressed regret that he had not sent for me. Upon this opening on his part, I stated to him the substance of what passed between the late ministry and myself, and I left a copy of the Breviate with him. He gave me a very attentive audience, and I took that opportunity of stating my sentiments to him, as far as I could, upon every view of the question. Upon his expressing his regret that he had not seen me sooner, I told him that I always had been, and always should be, most ready to give any assistance in my power towards the work of peace. I say the same to you. "I do not believe that there is any difference of sentiment between you and me, personally, in our own minds upon independence, &c. &c. But we belong to different communities, and the right of judgment, and of consent and dissent, is vested in the community. Divide independence into six millions of shares, and you should have been heartily welcome to my share from the beginning of the war. Divide Canada into six millions of shares, I could find a better method of disposing of my share, than by offering it to France to abandon America. Divide the Rock of Gibraltar into six millions of pieces, I can only answer for one portion. Let Reason and Justice decide in any such case, as universal umpires between contending parties, and those, who wish well to the permanent peace of mankind, will not refuse to give and to receive equal justice. "T agree with you, that the equitable and the philosophical principles of politics can alone form a solid foundation of permanent peace; and the contraries to them, though highly patronized by nations themselves, and their ministers, are no better than vulgar errors; but nations are slow to convictions from the personal arguments of individuals. They are 'jealous in honor, seeking the bubble reputation even in the cannon's mouth.' But until a confirmed millennium, founded upon wiser principles, shall be generally established, the reputation of nations is not merely a bubble. It forms their real security. "To apply all this, in one word, let all nations agree, with one accord, to beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning-hooks, or give me wooden walls to Great Britain! I have nothing further to add. My reason for writing this was just to communicate to you in what position I had delivered over my conferences and arguments with the late ministry into the hands of the present. And I will conclude with your own words, may God send us all more wisdom. I am ever, most affectionatley, yours, &c. D. HARTLEY." "P.S. May 17th. Since writing the above, I have likewise left a copy of the enclosed preliminaries with Lord Shelburne." PRELIMINARIES. "May, 1782. "1. That the British troops shall be withdrawn from the Thirteen Provinces of North America, and a truce made between Great Britain and the said Provinces, for years. (Suppose ten or twenty years.) "2. That a negotiation for peace shall bonâ fide be opened between Great Britain and the allies of America. 3. If the proposed negotiation between Creat Brit ain and the allies of America should not succeed so far as to produce peace, but that war should continue between the said parties, that America should act, and be treated, as a neutral nation. "4. That, whenever peace shall take place between Great Britain and the allies of America, the truce between Great Britain and America shall be converted into a perpetual peace, the independence of America shall be admitted and guarantied by Great Britain, and a commercial treaty settled between them. "5. That these propositions shall be made to the court of France, for communication to the American Commissioners, and for an answer to the court of Great Britain." The same day Mr. Grenville visited me. He acquainted me that his courier was returned, and had brought him full powers in form to treat for a peace with France and her allies. That he had been at Versailles, and had shown his power to M. de Vergennes, and left a copy with him. That he had also a letter of credence, which he was not to deliver till France should think fit to send a minister of the same kind to London; that M. de Vergennes had told him, that he would lay it before the King, and had desired to see him again on Wednesday. That Mr. Oswald had arrived in London, about an hour before the courier came away. That Mr. Fox in his letter had charged him to thank me for that which I had written, and to tell me, that he hoped I would never forget, that he and I were of the same country. I answered, that I should always esteem it an honor to be owned as a countryman of Mr. Fox. He had requested me, at our last interview, that, if I saw no |