peace, under liberal constructions; and, secondly, by what authorized person or persons any answer on this subject would be accepted; in short, a requisition of credentials preparatory to a formal answer, which is so much the more necessary on the supposition of a favorable reception of the first hint towards negotiation.

When I last saw Mr. Alexander, viz. about four or five days ago, he had met with some desponding impressions, as if the ministry were indisposed to peace, and that things would not do, &c. He did not tell me upon what ground he had formed such apprehension; however, lest he should have imparted any such by letter to you, I will state that point to you, because it may have infinite ill consequences to be too touchy on such occasions. A premature jealousy may create the very evil it suspects. The ministry in this country are not every thing. The sense of the people, when really expressed and exerted, would be most prevalent. Suppose then it were a proved point, that every man in the ministry were in his heart adverse to peace. What then? Withhold all overtures? By no means. I should advise the very contrary in the strongest manner. should say, let the overtures be made so much the more public and explicit by those who do wish for peace. It is the unfortunate state of things, which has hitherto bound the cause of France to any possible treaty with America, and which has thereby thrown a national damp upon any actual public exertions to procure a negotiation for peace with America. I have the strongest opinion, that if it were publicly known to the people of England, that a negotiation might be opened with America, upon the terms above specified, that all the ministry together, if they were ill disposed to a man, would not venture to thwart such a measure.

But why should it be supposed, that the ministry,

to a man, are ill disposed to a peace? Suppose them to be half and half, and the public wish and voice of the people in favor of negotiation, it is evident on which side the balance would incline. But why should we seek to throw a damp prematurely upon any chance? Why presume even against any individual? I grant, that it would be a bitter trial of humility to be brought to a formal recognition of independence at the haughty command of France, and I believe every part of the nation would proceed to every extremity before they would submit to that. But, if that touchy point can be provided for sub silentio, and if the proposed treaty with America may be carried on free from control by France, let us give the cause of peace a fair trial; at the worst we should be but where we were, if we should fail. But why should we expect to fail, when the greatest rub is removed, by the liberty of entering separately into a treaty? I think it a most favorable event, leading towards peace. Give us a truce with its concomitants, and a little time so given for cooling will have most excellent effects on both sides. Eternal peace and conciliation may then follow.

I send this to you by the quickest despatch, that we may bring this point to a fair issue before the meeting of Parliament. God prosper the blessed work of peace. I am ever yours most affectionately,

D. HARTLEY.

P. S. January 8th, 1782. Since writing this letter, I have seen Mr. Alexander, and shall see him from time to time to communicate with him. I do not suppose I shall have an answer from Lord North, till the preliminary points are so settled, as to enable him to give an answer in form. The ministry might undoubtedly give a short negative, if they thought proper; but

I do not expect that. You may be assured, that I have and shall continue to enforce every argument in the most conciliatory manner to induce a negotiation. I am very sorry for Mr. Alexander's confinement, on his own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably, in the future state of this business, his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. Every assistance and every exertion of mine will always be most heartily devoted to that cause. I have nothing further to add, either upon my own reflections or from my subsequent conversations with Mr. Alexander, to what I have stated in the foregoing letter. If we once make a good beginning upon the plan there stated, I should hope, that such a negotiation, founded on such principles, would promise fair to produce every salutary and pacific consequence in the event. D. H.

Remarks on the Conciliatory Bill.

In the title and preamble of the bill, the words Provinces of North America are used as general words, neither implying dependence nor independence.

CLAUSE I. The Truce is taken from the Conciliatory Act of 1778, and is indefinite as to the proposed duration of the truce. Under this clause it might be proposed to negotiate three points, viz. the removal of the British troops from the Thirteen Provinces of North America, and, connectedly with this article, a stipulation for the security of the friends of the British government. The third article might be a stipulation, that the respective parties, during the continuance of the truce, should not either directly or indirectly give assistance to the enemies of each other.

CLAUSE II. Articles of Intercourse and Pacification. Under this clause some arrangements might be settled

for establishing a free and mutual intercourse, civil and commercial, between Great Britain and the aforesaid Provinces of North America.

CLAUSE III. Suspension of certain Acts of Parliament. By this clause a free communication may be kept open between the two countries, during the negotiation for peace, without stumbling against any claim of rights, which might draw into contest the question of dependence or independence.

CLAUSE IV. The Ratification by Parliament. The object of this clause is to consolidate peace and conciliation, step by step, as the negotiation may proceed; and to prevent, as far as possible, any return of war, after the first declaration of a truce. By the operation of this clause, a temporary truce may be converted into a perpetual and permanent peace.

CLAUSE V. A Temporary Act. This clause, creating a temporary act for a specific purpose of negotiation in view, is taken from the act of 1778.

FROM PROFESSOR EMBSER TO B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

Bipontine Edition of the Classics.

Translation.

Deux Ponts, 6 January, 1782.

It is not to the avenger of America, nor to the minister of a nation, which has dared to defend so gloriously the sacred rights of humanity, that I address this letter, but to the illustrious sage, who, having long been distinguished in the republic of letters, has been also the light of a new hemisphere, which owes so much to him for its moral and civil existence. Your Excellency will permit me to mention to you an establishment, which, from its origin, has always met with great favor.

We have undertaken to publish in succession, by subscription, a complete collection of ancient Roman authors, of the same size, type, and paper. Twentyfour volumes have already appeared, and the whole collection may be finished in three or four years; a printing press having been put up for that especial purpose. We have also begun the publication of a selection of Greek authors, of the same size, with a Latin translation. The first and second volumes are published, containing the first books of Plato.

I know very well, that the political troubles of America, which is resisting the attacks of a powerful people, jealous of its greatness and glory, prevent that nation from now yielding to the delights of the Muses. But perhaps peace is not far distant. In the hope that your Excellency may be disposed to promote our enterprise, I will mention, that we can engage to deliver in Paris the Latin volumes for forty sols each, and the Greek for four livres. Nothing could be more encouraging for us, than to receive the approbation of Franklin, and to contribute, in however small a measure, to the greatness of a rising world, which is shaking off the chains, the prejudices, and the slavery of our

own.

We hope your Excellency will receive with favor these proposals, which come from a society of men of letters, whose views are entirely disinterested and solely prompted by a regard for youth, and will condescend to take them into consideration. Being persuaded, that you will excuse the liberty I have taken I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, &c. EMBSER,

Professor in the Ducal College.*

Dr. Franklin became a subscriber to the Bipontine edition of the