whole nation were fixed on him, and as if on his sole exertions depended the issue of the day, I sincerely believe, that at least twenty of the States of the Union will unite in the glorious work of the salvation of the constitution, and the redemption of the country.

Friends and fellow-citizens, I have detained you too long. Accept my cordial thanks and my profound acknowledgments for the honors of this day, and for all your feelings of attachment and confidence towards me, and allow me in conclusion to propose a senti

ment:

HANOVER COUNTY: it was the first in the commencement of the revolution to raise its arms, under the lead of Patrick Henry, in defence of American liberty; it will be the last to prove false or recreant to the holy cause.

ON THE PRE-EMPTION BILL.

IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, JANUARY 28, 1841.

WITH the measure of the distribution of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands among the States of the Union, I have been so associated for the last eight or ten years, that, although it had not been my original purpose to say one word in respect to that measure at the present session of Congress, the debate on my colleague's motion has taken such a wide range that my silence might be construed into indifference or an abandonment on my part, of what I conscientiously believe to be one of the most important and beneficial measures ever submitted to the consideration of an American Congress. I did not intend to move in the matter at this session, because of the extraordinary state of parties and of public affairs. The party against which the people of the United States had recently pronounced decisive judgment, is still in power, and has majorities in both Houses of Congress. It has been always opposed to the distribution bill. The new administration, to which a majority of the people of the United States have given their confidence, has not yet the possession of power, and, prior to the 4th of March next, can do nothing to fulfil the just expectations of the country. The Treasury is exhausted and in a wretched condition. I was aware that its state would be urged as a plausible plea against present distribution-urged even by a party, prominent members of which had heretofore protested against any reliance whatever on the public lands as a source of revenue. Now, although, I do not admit the right of Congress to apply the proceeds of all the public lands, consistently with the terms of the deeds of cession from Virginia and the other ceding States, to the purposes of ordinary revenue of government, yet Congress being in the habit of making such an application, I was willing to acquiesce in the continuation of the habit until, I hope at some early day, a suitable ble provision can be made for the exchequer out of some more appropriate and legitimate source than the public lands.

The distribution proposed by my colleague can be made, and, if no other Senator does, I will propose to make it, to commence on the first day of January next, leaving the proceeds of the lands of the current year applicable to the uses of the treasury. This will avoid the financial objection, as I hope, prior to that day, that some permanent and adequate provision will be made to supply government with the necessary revenue. I shall therefore, vote for the proposition with that qualification since it has been introduced, although I had not intended to move it myself at this session.

I came to the present session of Congress under the hope that it would dedicate itself earnestly to the urgent and necessary work of such a repair of the shattered Vessel of State as would put it in a condition to perform the glorious voyage which it will begin on the fourth of March next. I supposed, indeed, that all new and doubtful measures of policy would be avoided; but persuaded myself that a spirit of manliness, of honor, and of patriotism would prompt those who yet linger in power and authority at least to provide the necessary ways and means to defray the expenses of government, in the hands of their successors, during the present year, if not permanently. But I confess with pain that my worst fears are about to be realized. The administration not only perseveres in the errors which have lost it the public confidence, but refuses to allow its opponents to minister, in any way, to the sufferings of the community or the necessities of the government. Our constitution is defective, in allowing those to remain in authority three or four months after the people have pronounced judgment against them; or rather the convention did not foresee the possibility of the existence of an administration which would deliberately treat with neglect and contempt the manifest sentiments of their constituents. It did not imagine that an administration could be so formed as that, although smarting under a terrible but merited defeat, it would, in the spirit of the ancient fable, doggedly hold on to power, refusing to use it, or to permit others to use it, for the benefit of the people.

We have just had read to us a lecture from the honorable and highly respectable Senator from New Hampshire, (Mr. Pierce,) which ought to have been exclusively addressed to his own friends. He tells us that we are wasting onr time in party debate, and that a measure is always got up at the commencement of every session on

which a general political battle is fought, to the exclusion of all important public business. There is some truth in the charge; and, if it be wrong, who ought to be held responsible for it? Clearly those to whom the administration of the government has been entrusted, and who have majorities in both Houses of Congress. What has been the engrossing subject of this session? The permanent preemption bill. Who introduced it, and why was it introduced? Not my friends but the Senator's. And it has been brought up when there is an operating pre-emption law in existence which has a long time to run. After the debate had been greatly protracted, and after one administration Senator had notified the officers of the chamber that they might get their lamps in order, and another had declared that they were ready to encamp on the ground until the bill was passed, why has the debate been permitted to continue weeks longer, without explanation, and to the surprise of every one on this side of the Senate? Why has more than half the session been consumed with this single and unnecessary subject? I would ask that Senator, who assumes the right to lecture us all, why he concurred in pressing on the Senate this uncalled for measure? Yes, sir, my worst fears are about to be realized. Nothing will be done for the country during this session. I did hope that, if the party in power would not, in some degree, atone for past misdeeds during the remnant of their power, they would at least give the new administration a fair trial, and forbear all denunciation or condemnation of it in advance. But has this been their equitable course? Before the new President has entered upon the duties of his office, gentlemen who have themselves contributed to bring the country to the brink of ruin, (they will pardon me for saying it, but the truth must be spoken,) these very gentlemen are decrying beforehand those measures of the coming administration which are indispensable, and which they must know to be indispensable, to restore the public happiness and prosperity! The honorable Senator in my eye, (Mr. Wright,) said, in so many words that he meant to condemn this measure of distribution in advance.

[Mr. Wright shook his head.]

I have taken down the Senator's words, and have them here on my notes.

[Mr. WRIGHT. If the honorable Senator will permit me, I will tell him what I said. I said that the course of his friends had forced the consideration of this measure on us in advanve.]

Forced it on them in advance! How? Projects to squander the public domain are brought forward by friends of the administration, in the form of a graduation bill, by which fifty millions in value of a portion of it would have been suddenly annihilated: pre-emption pills, cessions to a few of the States of the whole within their limits. Under these circumstances, my colleague presents a conservative measure, and proposes, in lieu of one of these wasteful projects by way of amendment, an equitable distribution among all the States of the avails of the public lands. With what propriety then can it be said that we, who are acting solely on the defensive, have forced the measure upon our opponents? Let them withdraw their bill, and I will answer for it that my colleague will withdraw his amendment, and will not, at this session, press any measure of distribution. No, sir, no. The policy of gentlemen on the other side, the clearly defined and distinctly marked policy, is, to condemn, in advance, those measures which their own sagacity enables them to perceive that the new administration, faithful to their own principles and to the best interests of the country, must bring forward to build up once more the public prosperity. How, otherwise, are we to account for opposition, from leading friends of the administration, to the imposition of duties on the merest luxuries in the world? It is absolutely necessary to increase the public revenue. That is incontestable. only be done by the imposition of duties on the protected articles, or on the free articles, including those of luxury; for no one, I believe, in the Senate, dreams of laying a direct tax. Well; if duties were proposed on the protected articles, the proposition would instantly be denounced as reviving a high tariff. And when they are proposed on silks and wines, Senators on the other side raise their voices in opposition to duties on these articles of incontestable luxury. These, moreover, are objects of consumption chiefly with the rich, and they, of course, would pay the principle part of the duty. But the exemption of the poor from the burden does not commend the measure to the acceptance of the friends of this expiring administration. And yet they, sometimes, assume to be guardians of the interests of the poor. Guardians of the poor! Their friendship was demonstrated at a former session by espousing a measure which was to have the tendency of reducing wages, and now they put themselves in opposition to a tax which would benefit the poor, and fall almost exclusively on the rich.

It can