ministers I founded a notice of a motion, the object of which was, to obtain a parliamentary declaration in favour of that consideration of the Catholic question, which the administration were united to resist. "While that motion was depending, Mr. Perceval died; and his death produced from the remaining part of the administration a proposal to me to come into office. The only question, which I put on this occasion to my noble friend (lord Liverpool), who was the bearer of this proposal to me, was, whether the administration continued in the same determination with respect to the Catholic question, which had been announced by Mr. Perceval and lord Castlereagh in debate a few weeks before; which determination was to resist as one man the consideration of that question. I was answered, that that determination continued unaltered; and I refused to come into office. Did I, by so refusing office, give any proof of subserviency to those vulgar inducements which are assumed to have so powerful an influence on every public man? Did I manifest a disposition to sacrifice my integrity to my interest, or, what would be less disgraceful, perhaps, though disgraceful enough, to my ambition? "And yet that refusal was not quite an ordinary effort. I had at that moment a temptation to take office, more powerful, perhaps, than I have felt at any other period of my political life. There are circumstances which excuse, in generous minds, a strong desire for power; and such precisely were the circumstances under which office was now tendered to my acceptance. I had been secretary of state during the first years of the Cer war in the Peninsula. I had been in a measure the author, and in this House the responsible defender, of that animating but difficult struggle. I had, therefore, gone through all the parliamentary contests, which the disasters and reverses that attended the commencement of the Spanish war, called down upon the administration; I had borne the brunt of all the attacks, and buffeted all the storms, with which the opposition of that day had assailed us. tainly, my opinions had never been altered, nor my hopes depressed, by the misfortunes of the early campaigns in Spain. I had anticipated even in the hour of the deepest gloom, a brighter and more fortunate period, when the gale of fortune would yet set in gloriously and prosperously for the great cause in which we were embarked. In 1812, the prospect had begun to clear, victory attached itself to our standard; and the cause, which I had so long advocated under less auspicious circumstances, appeared to promise, even to less sanguine eyes, those brilliant results which ultimately crowned it. And, I desire to ask any man who hears me; and who has within him the heart of an English gentleman, animated by a just desire to serve his country, whether greater temptation to take office could possibly be held out to any one, than was at that time held out to me, at the very moment when I might have come in to reap the fruits of the harvest, which I had sown under the lowering atmosphere of distrust and discouragement, and the early and ungenial growth of which I had watched with such intense anxiety? At such a moment I was called to resume my station in the councils of my country: but the answer of the cabinet being what it was on the Catholic question, I declined the call. Was this to sacrifice my conscience and the Catholic cause to the love of office? "After these transactions,-that is to say, after this offer of office to me, and a simultaneous one to lord Wellesley, and our refusal of these offers,-a motion was made in this House to address the throne for the formation of a more efficient administration. That motion was carried; and the negotiation for the purpose pointed out in the address, was confided to lord Wellesley and myself. On the day after this commission was received, lord Wellesley, with my concurrence, addressed to lord Grey,-and I, with lord Wellesley's concurrence, addressed to lord Liverpool, -a proposal for forming a combined administration. The basis upon which we proposed to form this administration was laid in two propositions; 1st. a vigorous prosecution of the war in Spain: 2nd. a fair consideration of the Catholic question. The object of this last proposition was, manifestly and avowedly, not to form a cabinet united in opinion upon the Catholic question (for how could lord Liverpool and his friends be expected to make such a surrender of their opinions?)-but to undo the bond by which the displaced administration had been united together against all consideration of the Catholic question. Our wish was to bring together in one comprehensive scheme, all the best talents of the country, in a crisis of unexampled difficulty; and at the same time to secure to the Catholic question the advantage of a free discussion in parliament. "What does this statement prove? Why it proves that my course on that occasion, was consistent with my practice now; that as, on the one hand, I had refused to make part of an administration combined against the Catholic question,-so, on the other, I did not think it necessary or wise to proscribe every man whose opinion differed from mine on that single question, while on other questions, touching the safety and interests of the country, we agreed. The notion may be absurd, the error in judgment may be gross and unpardonable; but I did think then, as I think now, that an administration might be formed on a basis quite distinct from that of the recognition of the Catholic question, as a cabinet measure, and as the single paramount necessity of the state; -- that an administration, I say, might be well, and rightly, and usefully, and honestly formed, of which the members differed conscientiously from each other on that question, and that such an administration might yet have the means of rendering great service to the country. 66 Here, again, what becomes of the reproach that for the sake of office I gave up that question ? On this occasion I was not a candidate for office: I was employed to offer it to others. I was concerned in forming an administration, not seeking an appointment in or under one: and it was under such circumstances that I was prepared and desirous to act with colleagues of my own selection, on the very basis on which the present administration stands. "It is, therefore, in the highest degree disingenuous to pretend, that, by my refusal to accept office after Mr. Perceval's death, I im plicitly pledged myself never to belong to any cabinet which was not determined to carry the Catholic question. If on the 17th of May (the time of the offer and refusal of office), I refused to come into an administration united against the Catholic question, and if by that refusal I meant to say, 'I will never enter office except with an administration created to carry this question,'-what madness was it in me, within a short fortnight afterwards, when I had the power in my own hands, to endeavour to form a mixed administration? The accusation merely requires to be stated to refute itself. The attempt to form a mixed administration failed;-but it failed on quite other grounds than those of a want of unanimity of sentiment upon the Catholic question. And, after some fruitless negotiations, to which I was no party, the displaced administration was restored. "I have shewn," added Mr. Canning, "that in the year 1812 I refused office rather than enter into an administration pledged against the Catholic question. I did this at a time when office would have been dearer to me than at any other period of my political life; when I would have given ten years of life for two years of office; not for any sordid or selfish purpose of personal aggrandisement, but for far other and higher views. But, is this the only sacrifice which I have made to the Catholic cause? From the earliest dawn of my public life, aye, from the first visions of youthful ambition, that ambition had been directed to one objeet above all others. Before that object all others vanished into comparative insignificance: it was desirable to me beyond all the blandishments of power, beyond all the rewards and favours of the Crown. That object was to represent, in this House, the University in which I was educated. I had a fair chance of accomplishing this object, when the Catholic question crossed my way. I was warned, fairly and kindly warned, that my adoption of that cause would blast my prospect: I adhered to the Catholic cause, and forfeited all my long cherished hopes and expectations. And yet I am told that I have made no sacrifice! that I have postponed the cause of the Catholics to views and interests of my own! The representation of the University has fallen into worthier hands. rejoice with my right hon. friend near me (Mr. Peel) in the high honour which he has obtained. Long may he enjoy the distinction ; and long may it prove a source of reciprocal pride to parent University and to himself! Never till this hour have I stated, either in public or in private, the extent of this irretrievable sacrifice: but I have not felt it the less deeply. It is past, and I shall speak of it no more." Mr. Brougham endeavoured to answer Mr. Canning, but did not rise above mediocrity; and his failure was the more remarkable from being brought in immediate contrast with Mr. Canning's clear, masculine, and concise, yet varied and elegant reasonings and statements, impressed, as they were, on this occasion with an air, not to be mistaken, of deep sincerity and most intimate conviction, worth ten thousand times more, even for the purpose of oratorical effect, than all the simple graces of language and felicities of allusion which accompanied and adorned them. After a few observations in reply from Mr. Goulburn, the I House divided; when 278 voted for the motion, and 123 against it. The protraction of the debate through four successive nights was the effect of the determined purpose of the minority; for it was clearly the wish of the ministers (and probably their expectation) to have come to a vote at the close of Friday's discussion. The object of the opposition was probably two-fold; partly, to exaggerate in the eyes of the public the importance of the measure, and partly to give the Catholic Association an opportunity of meeting the bill in the earliest stages of its progress. The proceedings in parliament made the more sober part of the Catholics feel that they had gone too far; and, accordingly, at meetings held by them in London, it was resolved, that no more money should be raised under the name of Catholic Rent, but that contributions under the name of the British Catholic Free Gifts should still be received. These free gifts were to be applied: 1st, To vindicate, by means of a liberal press, the principles, civil and religious, of the Catholics; and to expose the attempts of interested writers to confirm the prejudices which well-meaning Protestants entertained, it was said, against their Catholic fellow-subjects: 2nd, To defray the expenses of the preparation of petitions to parliament, and of the collection of signatures: 3rd, To furnish the clergy with pecuniary means to publish works in the defence of the Catholic religion: 4th, To purchase, for the use of Catholic charity schools, cheap books of instruction, by which the principles of the true faith might be early impressed on the minds of children. In the mean time, a meeting of the Catholic Association was held in Dublin, at which a petition against the pending measure was agreed upon; and it was further determined that a deputation should proceed to London for the protection of their interests. All the Catholic peers of Ireland were nominated members of this delegation: the barristers, Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Shiel, were specially charged to exert their eloquence in behalf of the sacred cause; but, besides the persons specially named, any person belonging to the Association was at liberty to annex himself to this deputation; and not a few, from zeal, curiosity, vanity, or restlessness, availed themselves of the licence to appear among the representatives of the six millions of Irish Catholics. On the 17th of February, Mr. Brougham presented a petition signed by a great number of the members of the Association. The petitioners stated, that they understood that it was in contemplation to pass a bill, the object of which was, to restrain the undoubted right of the people to meet and petition parliament for the redress of grievances, and especially to dissolve the Association of which the petitioners were members. They affirmed, that no act or declaration of that body, from its first institution, had been intended, or was calculated, to excite alarm, or to exasperate the minds of the people of Ireland. So conscious were they of the purity of their intentions, that they had no objection to the most rigorous inquiry into both: on the contrary, they courted investigation: and they prayed, that no measures might be adopted. against the Association until the persons, who were charged with having committed offences, should have been heard in their defence. In particular the petition stated that, after the repeated disappointments which the Catholics had experienced, it was deemed right to enter into an association to promote the general interests of their body, and to bring under the frequent consideration of parliament the various and heavy grievances of which the Catholic people of Ireland complained; that the Catholic Association was formed first and chiefly for such purpose; that it consisted of Catholic prelates, peers, and baronets, of many Protestants of noble families and great possessions, of many distinguished members of high and learned professions, of commercial men of great wealth and character, of country gentlemen, farmers, traders, and substantial citizens; that the Association met publicly, in order to prepare and forward petitions to both Houses of parliament for the redress of grievances; and to procure for the poor, the ignorant, and the defenceless, redress from the known tribunals of the law, for outrages and injuries arising from party spirit; that the petitioners never presumed or pretended to represent in any way or for any purpose, any portion of their countrymen; that the petitioners never presumed or pretended to levy any sum of money from any portion of their fellow-subjects, but they had received the voluntary subscriptions which had been given by Protestants and Catholics towards the creation of a fund, formed to defray the expenses of forwarding petitions to the House, of obtaining justice for the poor, who were not able to obtain justice for themselves, and for other necessary, just, and lawful purposes; that, amongst the subscriptions to this national fund, were to be found those of noble Protestant families, of many members of the legislature, and of other high and dignified persons; that even the very last subscription that appeared on their list bore the name of a noble and venerable personage, whose virtues shed dignity and splendor even upon the exalted honours of the British peerage. The petitioners, in conclusion, disclaimed all views and objects inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution, or the peace, happiness, and improvement of the country, and prayed the House to adopt no measure against the Catholic Association, or against any portion of the Catholic people of Ireland, without first affording to the petitioners a full opportunity of vindicating their principles and conduct at the bar, and to be heard, if necessary, as well by witnesses as by their counsel. On the same night Mr. Brougham moved, that the Roman Catholic Association should be heard by themselves, their counsel or agents and witnesses, at the bar of the House: and he supported this motion on the ground, that they denied, and offered to disprove, the allegations on which the measure proceeded. On the other hand, the ministers contended, that this was a question of general policy, and not affecting any rights of private property, and that it was contrary to all precedent to hear counsel in such a case. After a keen debate, in which Mr. Peel shone pre-eminent on the one side and Mr. Brougham on the other, the motion was negatived by a majority of 222 to 89. The second reading of the bill was carried on the 21st of February by 253 votes against 107; and the third reading, on the 25th of |