crowd went by. Those that had been faithful to loyalty and law were hooted, stoned, and even stormed by the army of miscreants who were only driven off by the gallant and determined charge of the police, and in one place by the equally gallant, and certainly unique defence, which came from turning the boiling water from the engines upon the howling wretches, who, unprepared for any such warm reception as this, beat a precipitate and general retreat. Before night fell it was no longer one vast crowd collected in a single section, but great numbers of gatherings, scattered over the whole length and breadth of the city, — some of them engaged in actual work of demolition and ruin; others with clubs and weapons in their hands, prowling round apparently with no definite atrocity to perpetrate, but ready for any iniquity that might offer, and, by way of pastime, chasing every stray police officer, or solitary soldier, or inoffensive negro, who crossed the line of their vision; these three objects — the badge of a defender of the law, the uniform of the Union army, the skin of a helpless and outraged race — acted upon these madmen as water acts upon a rabid dog. Late in the afternoon a crowd which could have numbered not less than ten thousand, the majority of whom were ragged, frowzy, drunken women, gathered about the Orphan Asylum for Colored Children, — a large and beautiful building, and one of the most admirable and noble charities of the city. When it became evident, from the menacing cries and groans of the multitude, that danger, if not destruction, was meditated to the harmless and inoffensive inmates, a flag of truce appeared, and an appeal was made in their behalf, by the principal, to every sentiment of humanity which these beings might possess, a vain appeal! Whatever human feeling had ever, if ever, filled these souls was utterly drowned and washed away in the tide of rapine and blood in which they had been steeping themselves. The few officers who stood guard over the doors, and manfully faced these demoniac legions, were beaten down and flung to one side, helpless and stunned, whilst the vast crowd rushed in. All the articles upon which they could seize — beds, bedding, carpets, furniture, the very garments of the fleeing inmates, some of these torn from their persons as they sped by were carried into the streets, and hurried off by the women and children who stood ready to receive the goods which their husbands, sons, and fathers flung to their care. The little ones, many of them, assailed and beaten ; all, orphans and care-takers, exposed to every indignity and every - the building was fired. . . danger, driven on to the street, The house was fired in a thousand places, and in less than two hours the walls crashed in, a mass of smoking, blackened ruins; whilst the children wandered through the streets, a prey to beings who were wild beasts in everything save the superior ingenuity of man to agonize and torture his victims. Frightful as the day had been, the night was yet more hideous; since to the horrors which were seen was added the greater horror of deeds which might be committed in the darkness; or, if they were seen, it was by the lurid glare of burning buildings, the red flames of whichflung upon the stained and brutal faces, the torn and tattered garments, of men and women who danced and howled around the scene of ruin they had caused – made the whole aspect of affairs seem more like a gathering of fiends rejoicing in Pandemonium than aught with which creatures of flesh and blood had to do. . . . The next morning's sun rose on a city which was ruled by a reign of terror. Had the police possessed the heads of Hydra and the arms of Briareus, and had these heads all seen, these arms all fought, they would have been powerless against the multitude of opposers. Outbreaks were made, crowds gathered, houses burned, streets barricaded, fights enacted, in a score of places at once. Where the officers appeared they were irretrievably beaten and overcome; their stand, were it ever so short, but inflaming the passions of the mob to fresh deeds of violence. Stores were closed; the business portion of the city deserted; the large works and factories emptied of men, who had been sent home by their employers, or were swept into the ranks of the marauding bands. The city cars, omnibuses, hacks, were unable to run, and remained under shelter. Every telegraph wire was cut, the posts torn up, the operators driven from their offices. The mayor, seeing that civil power was helpless to stem this tide, desired to call the military to his aid, and place the city under martial law, but was opposed by the Governor, a governor, who, but a few days before, had pronounced the war a failure; and not only predicted, but encouraged this mob rule, which was now crushing everything beneath its heavy and ensanguined feet. This man, through almost two days of these awful scenes, remained at a quiet sea-side retreat but a few miles from the city. Coming to it on the afternoon of the second day, - instead of ordering cannon planted in the streets, giving these creatures opportunity to retire to their homes, and, in the event of refusal, blowing them there by powder and ball, he first went to the point where was collected the chiefest mob, and proceeded to address them. Before him stood incendiaries, thieves, and murderers, who even then were sacking dwelling-houses, and butchering powerless and inoffensive beings. These wretches he apostrophized as "My friends," repeating the title again and again in the course of his harangue, assuring them that he was there as a proof of his friendship, — which he had demonstrated by "sending his adjutant-general to Washington, to have the draft stopped;" begging them to "wait for his return ;" "to separate now as good citizens;" with the promise that they "might assemble again whenever they wished to do so;" meanwhile, he would "take care of their rights." This model speech was incessantly interrupted by tremendous cheering and frantic demonstrations of delight,one great fellow almost crushing the Governor in his enthusiastic embrace. His allies in newspaper offices attempted to throw the blame upon the loyal press and portion of the community. This was but a repetition of the cry, raised by traitors in arms, that the government, struggling for life in their deadly hold, was responsible for the war: "If thou wouldst but consent to be murdered peaceably, there could be no strife." These editors outraged common sense, truth, and decency, by speaking of the riots as an "uprising of the people to defend their liberties," -"an opposition on the part of the workingmen to an unjust and oppressive law, enacted in favor of the men of wealth and standing." As though the people of the great metropolis were incendiaries, robbers, and assassins; as though the poor were to demonstrate their indignation against the rich by hunting and stoning defenceless women and children; torturing and murdering men whose only offence was the color God gave them, or men wearing the self-same uniform as that which they declared was to be thrust upon them at the behest of the rich and the great. It was absurd and futile to characterize this new Reign of Terror as anything but an effort on the part of Northern rebels to help Southern ones, at the most critical moment of the war, with the State militia and available troops absent in a neighboring Commonwealth, and the loyal people unprepared. These editors and their coadjutors, men of brains and ability, were of that most poisonous growth, — traitors to the Government and the flag of their country, renegade Americans. Let it, however, be written plainly and graven deeply, that the tribes of savages the hordes of ruffians- found ready to do their loathsome bidding, were not of native growth, nor American born. . . -- By far the most infamous part of these cruelties was that which wreaked every species of torture and lingering death upon the colored people of the city, - men, women, and children, old and young, strong and feeble alike. Hundreds of these fell victims to the prejudice fostered by public opinion, incorporated in our statute-books, sanctioned by our laws, which here and thus found legitimate outgrowth and action. The horrors which blanched the face of Christendom were but the bloody harvest of fields sown by society, by cultured men and women, by speech, and book, and press, by professions and politics, nay, by the pulpit itself, and the men who there make God's truth a lie, garbling or denying the inspired declaration that " He has made of one blood all people to dwell upon the face of the earth;" and that he, the All-Just and Merciful One, " is no respecter of persons." Anna E. Dickinson, What Answer? (Boston, 1868), 243-257 passim. 122. Chickamauga (1863) BY WILLIAM FRANKLIN GORE SHANKS Shanks became a war correspondent of the New York Herald at the beginning of the Civil War, and at the close a member of the Herald's editorial staff. Since then he has held various prominent positions as a journalist. The Herald was established as an independent paper by James Gordon Bennett; but until the firing on Sumter it supported southern interests, and after that event, though it upheld the war for the Union, it continued to denounce the anti-slavery cause.— Bibliography: H. M. Cist, Army of the Cumberland, passim; J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States, IV, 407, note; Channing and Hart, Guide, § 210. [September 21.] . . . ... OSECRANS' army had been concentrated on West Chickamauga creek, about ten or twelve miles northwest of Lafayette, Ga. . . . . . . Bragg . . . moved to the right, nearly parallel with the creek, with the intention of getting upon our right flank and rear, or forcing Rosecrans to move with him to such point upon the stream as was naturally less calculated to offer a good defensive position against a strong attack on the left, in which plan Bragg persisted to the last. That it was his plan and purpose to throw himself between Rosecrans and Chattanooga, with the aim of preventing a junction with Burnside, now no longer remains doubtful. . . . on the night of the 18th the line was changed to accommodate itself with that of Bragg, Gen. Thomas' corps moving all night for that purpose, and becoming the left of the army. the enemy pushed up vigorously on the left, and simultaneously the three divisions of Brannan, Baird and Johnston were hotly engaged against a force fully equal, pressing forward most persistently. . Twice repulsed in their daring attack upon the left, with their dead strewing the field, the enemy had the boldness to make a third charge, this time pushing forward a heavy force on the entire front of Thomas and Crittenden, the line from Brannan to Van Cleve going in with vigor. For nearly an hour this engagement lasted, with success alternating between our banner and theirs. The musketry firing was very heavy, and in the densely timbered plain in which the fight occurred the sounds and echoes were demoniac, mingled as they were with the cries of the infuriated combatants. It is vain that one attempts to give the various incidents of this magnificent engagement of an hour and a half. . . . . . . the enemy in front of Thomas' four divisions (Brannan, Baird, Johnston and Reynolds) became less persistent in their efforts, and upon a charge being ordered by Thomas, they, the elite of Lee, broke. . . . For the fourth time they were driven over ground that they had thrice contested, at frightful cost; but their fourth repulse appeared to me to cost them more than all the rest. They fell at every step, mercilessly shot down, as they fled like sheep. The glory and renown of Longstreet had departed. Thomas pursued him for nearly a mile, driving him from every position which he assumed west of the creek, and forcing him beyond it in such great disorder that he was unable to recover from it during the day. The charge of that corps should go down to posterity in language that would insure the immortality of the story. . . . the fruits of Thomas' victory over Longstreet were lost. It was in this wise. When Thomas' corps made the charge upon Longstreet, which drove him such a distance in disastrous rout, Crittenden's corps failed to push the rebel centre, but remained in his original position. Crittenden thus allowed a great gap to be made between him and Thomas, and permitted the latter's right flank to be much exposed. At the same time the enemy was allowed time to gather fresh strength in front of McCook and Crittenden . . . until he had penetrated our centre. . . . But, as if unaware of the damage he had done us — unaware that Palmer was cut off, Van Cleve destroyed for the time, and Davis much pressed and wearied - the enemy had partially withdrawn, and the centre was re-established without any great effort, but somewhat |