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CHAPTER XIII.

ADMINISTRATION OF ZACHARY TAYLOR AND MILLARD FILLMORE, 1849-1853.

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On the 5th of March, 1849, the 4th being Sunday, Gen. Zachary Taylor was inaugurated President of the United States. The inaugural address was brief, and the points touched upon distinctly expressed. The Constitution would be constituted the rule of action. The interests of the entire country would be the objects of his care. He would approve measures to secure encouragement and protection to the great interests of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures, to improve our rivers and harbors, and to provide for the speedy extinguishment of the public debt, to enforce a strict accountability on the part of all officers of the government, and the utmost economy in all public expenditures." Nor did he regard it the province of the Executive to control the legislation of Congress.

Gen. Taylor's Cabinet consisted of John M. Clayton, of Del., Secretary of State; William M. Meredith, of Pa., Secretary of the Treasury; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio, Secretary of the Interior; G. W. Crawford, of Ga., Secretary of War; W. B. Preston, of Va., Secretary of the Navy; Jacob Collamer, of Vt., Postmaster-General; and Reverdy Johnson, of Md., Attorney-General.

The power of removal and appointment was exercised

with care and deliberation; having reference more to the promotion of the interests and efficiency of the government than the special advancement of adherents of a particular party.

ORGANIZATION OF THE 31ST CONGRESS.

At the opening of the thirty-first Congress, December 3, 1849, a protracted effort was had in the election of the Speaker of the House. R. C. Winthrop, Speaker of the last Congress, was the Whig candidate; Howell Cobb, that of the Democrats. Votes were diverted to other candidates during the contest, and Mr. Brown, of Indiana, Democrat, came within a few votes of an election, by centring upon himself the two sections of Democrats. The overtures made by him to the Wilmot proviso men, on the structure of certain committees, becoming public, his name was withdrawn. Neither could Mr. Cobb nor Mr. Winthrop draw the entire strength of their respective parties. The Wilmot proviso Democrats opposed Mr. Cobb on the ground of slavery. Mr. Winthrop lost the votes of some Northern members from apprehensions on their part of his too great predilection in favor of the slave interest; on the other hand, five Southern Whigs refused him their support, because he was not openly pledged against the Wilmot proviso.

Sixty-two ballots were had without resulting in any choice. The plurality rule was then adopted, and on the next vote Mr. Cobb was elected, receiving 102 votes to 99 for Mr. Winthrop; scattering 20; of which Mr. Wilmot received 8.

The President's Message was submitted on the 24th. It presented more at length the principal features of his inaugural address. To supply the deficit in the treasury, a resort to loans was advised for present relief, and an in

GOVERNMENTS FOR THE TERRITORIES.

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crease of tariff duties for a permanent one. The subtreasury, in its continuance or modification, was submitted to the wisdom of Congress, while it was recommended to leave the people of the Territories of California and New Mexico to take the initiatory steps for admission as States. Congress should avoid the introduction of sectional topics to distract the attention of legislators and arouse the animosities of the people.

TERRITORIES ACQUIRED FROM MEXICO-ORGANIZATION.

We have already noticed the abortive attempts made at the two previous sessions of Congress, to provide governments for the territories acquired from Mexico. That subject was again brought up, and became the leading topic of the present session. Various plans were submitted.

The point of difficulty, in adjusting territorial governments, was the subject of involuntary servitude. On the 20th of January, 1850, Mr. Clay introduced a series of resolutions into the Senate, proposing an amicable adjustment of the entire slavery controversy. Most of these were reproduced in the " Omnibus bill." They encountered strong opposition from Southern Senators, as not securing any advantage to the South.

Mr. Foote, of Mississippi, took strong exceptions to that clause which declared it "inexpedient to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia," inasmuch as it recognized the power of Congress so to do, which he denied. The resolves also asserted that slavery did not exist in the acquired territory; whereas, he thought the acquisition carried with it the Constitution and all its guarantees, thus securing to slaveholders the right to take their slaves to those territories.

Mr. Benton regarded the application of the Wilmot proviso to New Mexico a useless procedure, as slavery had there been abolished and could not exist without positive enactment. He would also restrict the boundaries of Texas to their proper limits.

Mr. Calhoun regarded the Union as in great danger, because of the discontent at the South, resulting from the agitation of the slavery question at the North, and in Congress because the equilibrium of the States had been destroyed. The first step in this direction was the ordinance of 1787, excluding the South from the North-west Territory; next the Missouri Compromise, which left but a small section open to the spread of slavery. Now comes the attempt to exclude the South from the terri tory acquired from Mexico. This train of thought was pursued by the speaker at great length. Mr. Webster rejoined, citing the various instances where the North had. acquiesced in the wishes of the South-and permitted the extension of slavery. This was Mr. Webster's memorable 7th of March speech, which came to be regarded as an important epoch in his political career.

COMPROMISES OF 1850.

The debate continued, with little prospect of arriving at any practical result, until the 17th of April, when a Select Committee, with Mr. Clay as its chairman, was raised in the Senate, to whom were referred the various interests involved in the subject before that body. The Committee was composed of seven Southern, and six Northern Senators. Their report embodied the following points: 1. When new States formed out of Texas present themselves, it shall be the duty of Congress to admit them. 2. The immediate admission of California, with the boundaries which she has proposed. 3. The es

DEATH OF PRESIDENT TAYLOR.

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tablishment of territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico without the Wilmot proviso. 4. The combination of points 2 and 3 in one bill. 5. The excision from Texas of all New Mexico, rendering therefor a pecuniary equivalent; and the incorporation of this section in the bill for the admission of California and the organization of the territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico. 6. The enactment of a law for the effectual rendition of fugitive slaves escaping into the Free States. 7. No interference with slavery in the District of Columbia, but the slave trade therein should be abolished under heavy penalties.

The object of grouping these several measures is apparent.

From the wide range of topics embraced in this bill, it received the designation of the "Omnibus bill." It was discussed until the last of July, when it was discovered that successive amendments had reduced it to a simple provision for the organization of a territorial government for Utah. It was ordered to a third reading, ayes 32, nays 18, and subsequently passed, and was transmitted to the House.

The remaining parts of the "Omnibus " up, and passed as separate bills.

were taken

The consideration of these topics was interrupted by the death of President Taylor. This sad event transpired July 9, 1850-one year and four months after his inauguration. He entered upon the discharge of his great responsibilities under most favoring circumstances. His career was suddenly arrested by the hand of Death. In the depth of their sorrow, the American people attested their respect for their late Chief Magistrate.

Mr Fillmore, in appropriate terms, announced the death of the President, and proposed to take the oath of

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