French, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile measures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences that may follow as it respects Great Britain. "It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am, or shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge, should compel it; for there is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth, and to pursue it steadily. But these things are mentioned to show that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary. Every step should be explored before it is taken, and every word weighed before it is uttered or delivered in writing." In a subsequent letter, in which he mentioned the increasing hostility to the treaty, he added, "All these things do not shake my determination with respect to the proposed ratification; nor will they, unless something more imperious and unknown to me should, in the opinion of yourself and the gentleman with you, make it adviseable for me to pause."

On the 11th of August, the President arrived at Philadelphia, and on the next day he brought before the Cabinet the question respecting the immediate ratification of the treaty. The Secretary of State advised to the postponement of this measure, until the orders of the British should be revoked. The other members of the Cabinet voted for an immediate ratification with a strong memorial against those orders. With this advice the President closed. The orders were recalled, and the ratifications of the treaty exchanged.

The President was probably led to this immediate ratification of the treaty by the popular violence, which was raised against it in every part of the United States. He conceived that it was necessary, either at once to arrest its progress, or ultimately to yield to its force. The event proved the soundness of his judgment and

the influence of his character. Violent opposition ceased. Reflection and experience convinced discerning men, that the treaty was a wise and salutary

measure.

On the 19th of August 17o5, Mr. Randolph resigned his office as Secretary of State. He had been strongly suspected of breach of trust, and of having committed the honour and interest of his country in his communications with the French Minister. To enable him, as he affirmed, to vindicate himself, he requested the sight of a confidential letter, which the President had written to him, and which he had left in the office. His avowed purpose was to publish this, with other documents, to show that he had been disgraced on account of his attachment to France and liberty. "I have directed," replied the President," that you should have the inspection of my letter of the 22d of July, agreeably to your request; and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve any or every private and confidential letter I ever wrote you; nay more, every word I ever uttered to you or in your presence, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication." Happy the ruler, who in the consciousness of the purity of his intentions can, in times of political agitation, thus address a suspected member of his Council, who had been admitted to his unlimited confidence.

Colonel Pickering was removed to the departmert of State, and Mr. M'Henry appointed Secretary of War. By the death of Mr. Bradford, the office of Attorney General became vacant, which was soon filled by Mr. Lee of Virginia.

In the Autumn of 1795 a treaty was negotiated through the agency of Colonel Humphreys with the the Regency of Algiers, by which a number of American citizens, who had been enslaved, were liberated. On opening the first session of the fourth Congress, Dec. 1795, the President.congratulated the two Houses

on the prosperity of the nation. "I trust," said he, "I do not deceive myself while I indulge the persuasion that I have never met you at any period, when, more than at the present, the situation of our publick affairs has afforded just case for mutual congratulation; and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the author of all good for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we enjoy." Then making a brief statement of the situation of the United States in their foreign relations, he thus proceeded.

"This interesting summary of our affairs, with regard to the powers between whom and the United States, controversies have subsisted; and with regard also to our Indian neighbours with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflections. If by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external discord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national faith and honour, shall be the happy result, how firm and how precious a foundation will have been laid for accelerating, maturing, and establishing the prosperity of our country."

Recommending a number of national objects, to the attention of the Legislature, the speech was concluded in the following manner.

"Temperate discussion of the important subjects that may arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference in opinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, happiness, and welfare of our country, to need any recommendation of mine."

The answer of the Senate was in their usual cordial and respectful manner.

A majority of the House of Representatives of this Congress was of the party opposed to the general administration of the government. To this party the British treaty was offensive; and their feelings on this

subject had an influence on their reply to the President's speech.

The Committee reported an answer, which contained this clause; "that the confidence of his fellow citizens in the Chief Magistrate remained undiminished." It was moved to strike out this clause because it contained an untruth. In the animated debate that ensued, the friends of the President supported the clause, and maintained with zeal, that the confidence of the American citizens in him had suffered no dimi nution; the advocates of the motion with pertinacity averred that by a recent transaction the confidence of the people in the President was diminished; and seve ral of the speakers declared, that their own confidence in him was lessened.

To prevent a vote of the House to expunge the clause, it was moved and carried to recommit the an swer. In the second report, this clause was in such manner modified as to pass without objection.

Mr. Monroe reached Paris soon after the fall of Robespierre, his reception as the American Minister was publick, and on the occasion, he gave the Convention the most positive assurances of the fervent attachment of the American people to the interest of France.

The Committee of Safety of France had previously written to the American Congress, and the Executive of the Federal Government being the constituted organ of foreign intercourse, the Senate and House of Representatives had, by their resolves, transmitted this letter to the President with a request, that he would in a respectful answer express their friendly disposition towards the French Republick. Accordingly the Secretary of State addressed two letters to the Committee of Safety, in the name of each branch of the Legislature. These Mr. Monroe conveyed, and delivered with his own credentials to the President of the Convention.

The communications of the American Minister were

received with expressions of high gratification, and the Convention decreed, that the flags of France and America should be united, and suspended in their hall, as an emblem of the eternal union and friendship of the two Republicks.

Colonel Monroe, to reciprocate this act of fraternity, requested the Convention to accept from him the American flag, as evidence of his own sensibility, and as a token of the satisfaction with which his country would improve every opportunity to promote the union of the two nations.

Mr. Adet, the successor of Mr. Fauchet, arrived at Philadelphia in the summer of 1795, and brought with him the flag of France as a compliment from the Convention to Congress, and a letter from the Committee of Safety to this body. He made no mention to the President of this present until December, intending to present it directly to Congress, and to avail himself of the opportunity to address that body. The President and the Heads of Departments, perceiving his intention to make a bridge of the Executive to open a direct communication with the popular branch of Congress, and apprehending evil from it, with address defeated the intriguing scheme. They directed, that the flag and the letter should be placed in the hands of the President, and by him presented to Congress. The 1st of January 1796, was appointed as the time on which the President would receive them. Mr. Adet on this occasion addressed him in the impassioned language of his countrymen. He represented France as exerting herself in defence of the liberty of mankind.

"Assimilated to, or rather identified with free people by the form of her government, she saw in them," he observed, " only friends and brothers. Long accustomed to regard the American people as her must faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of America, under the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny."