(No. 2.) DEAR SIR, Paris, November 8th, 1797. We now enclose you in thirty-six quarto pages of cypher, and in eight pages of cyphered exhibits, the sequel to the details commenced in No. 1. dated the 22d of last month, and have the honour to be, Your most obedient humble servants, CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY, E. GERRY. Colonel PICKERING. descendance du gouvernement Américain pour les suggestions de ses anciens tyrans.... La République Française espère, au surplus, que les successeurs de Colombus, Ramhiphet Penn, toujours fiers de leur liberté, n'oublieront jamais qu'ils la doivent à la France........Ils peseront dans leur sagesse la magnanime bienveillance du peuple Français avec les astucieuses caresses de quelques perfides qui méditent de le ramener à son antique esclavage. Assurez, M. le Ministre, le bon peuple Américain que, comme lui, nous adorons la liberté ; que toujours il aura notre estime, et qu'il trouvera, dans le peuple Français, la générosité républicaine qui sait accorder la paix comme elle sait faire respecter sa souveraineté. Quant à vous, M. le Ministre Plénipotentiaire, vous avez combattu pour les principes, the quences of the condescension of the American Government, to the suggestions of her former tyrants. Moreover, the French Republic hopes, that the successors of Columbus, Ramhiph and Penn, always proud of their liberty, will never forget, that they owe it to France. They will weigh in their wisdom, the magnanimous benevolente of French people, with the crafty caresses of certain perfidious persons, who meditate bringing them back to their former slavery. Assure the good American people, Sir, that like them, we adore liberty; that they will always have our esteem, and that they will find, in the French people, republican generosity, which knows how to grant peace as it does to cause its sovereignty to be respected. As to you, Mr. Minister Plenipotentiary, you have com * Probably intended for Raleigh. bated October 27th, 1797. About twelve, we received another visit from M. X. He immediately mentioned the great event announced in the papers, and then said, that some proposals from us had been expected on the subject, on which we had before conversed; that the Directory were becoming impatient, and would take a decided course, with regard to America, if we could not soften them. We answered, that on that subject we had already spoken explicitly, and had nothing farther to add. He mentioned the change in the state of things, which had been produced by the peace with the Emperor, as warranting an expectation of a change in our system; to which we only replied, that this event had been expected by us, and would not, in any degree, affect our conduct. M. X. urged that the Directory had, since this peace, taken a higher and more decided tone with respect to us, and all other neutral nations, than had been before taken; that it had been determined, that all nations should aid them, or be considered and treated as their enemies. We answered that such an effect had already been contemplated by us, as probable, and had not been overlooked when we gave to this proposition our decided answer; and, further, that we had no powers to negotiate for a loan of money; that our government had not contemplated such a circumstance, in any degree whatever ; that, if we should stipulate a loan, it would be a perfectly void thing, and would only deceive France, and expose ourselves. M: X. again expatiated on the power and violence of France: he urged the danger of our situation, and pressed the policy of softening them, and of thereby obtaining time. The present men he said would very probably not continue long in power; and, it would be very unfortunate, if those who might succeed, with better dispositions towards us, should find the two nations in actual war. We answered, that if war should be made on us by France, it would be so obviously forced on u, that on a change of men, peace vous avez connu les vrais intérêts de votre patrie....partez avec nos regrets. Nous rendons en vous un représentant à l'Amérique, et nous retenons le souvenir du citoyen dont les qualités personnelles bonoraient ce titre. bated for principles, you have known the true interests of your country. Depart with our regret. In you we give up a representative to America, and retain the remembrance of the citizen whose personal qualities did honour to that title. might be made with as much facility as the present differences could be accommodated: we added, that all America deprecated a war with France; but that our present situation was more ruinous to us, than a declared war could be; that at present, our commerce was plundered unprotected; but that if war was declared, we should seek the means of protection. M X. said, he hoped we should not form a connection with Britain; and, we answered, that we hoped so too; that we had all been engaged in our revolution war, and felt its injuries; that it had made the deepest impression on us; but that if France should attack us, we must seek the best means of self-defence. M. X. again returned to the subject of money: said he, Gentlemen, you do not speak to the point; it is money it is expected that you will offer money. We said we had spoken to that point very explicitly: we had given an answer. No, said he, you have not; what is your answer? We replied, it is no; no; not a six-pence. He again called our attention to the dangers which threatened our country, and asked, if it would not be prudent, though we might not make a loan to the nation, to interest an inAluential friend in our favour. He said, we ought to consider what men we had to treat with; that they disregarded the justice of our claims, and the reasoning with which we might support them; that they disregarded their own colonies; and considered themselves as perfectly invulnerable with respect to us; that we could only acquire an interest among them, by a judicious application of money; and, it was for us to consider, whether the situation of our country, did not require that these means should be resorted to. observed, that the conduct of the French government was such, as to leave us much reason to fear, that should we give the money, it would effect no good purpose, and would not produce a just mode of thinking with respect to us. Proof of this must first be given us. He said, that when we employed a lawyer, we gave him a fee, without knowing whether the cause could be gained, or not; but it was necessary to have one, and we paid for his services, whether those services were successful or not: so in the present state of things, the money must be advanced for the good offices the individuals were to render, whatever might be the effect of those good offices. We told him, there was no parallel in the cases; that a lawyer, not being to render the judgment, could not command success: he could only endeavour to obtain it ; and consequently, we could only pay him for his endeavours: but the Directory could decide on the issue of our negotiation." We It peace. It had only to order that no more American vessels should be seized, and to direct those now in custody to be restored, and there could be no opposition to the order. He said, that all the members of the Directory were not disposed to receive our money: that Merlin, for instance, was paid from another quarter, and would touch no part of the douceur, which was to come from us. We replied, that we had understood that Merlin was paid by the owners of the privateers ; and he nodded an assent to the fact. He proceeded to press this subject with vast perseverance. He told us, that we paid money to obtain peace with the Algerines, and with the Indians; and that it was doing no more to pay France for To this it was answered, that when our government commenced a treaty with either Algiers, or the Indian tribes, it was understood, that money was to form the basis of the treaty, and was its essential article; that the whole nation knew it, and was prepared to expect it as a thing of course; but, that in treating with France, our government had supposed that a proposition, such as he spoke of, would, if made by us, give mortal offence. He asked, if our government did not know, that nothing was to be obtained here, without money? We replied, that our government had not even suspected such a state of things. He appeared surprised at it, and said, there was not an American in Paris, who could not have given that information. We told him, that the letters of our Minister had indicated a very contrary temper in the government of France; and had represented it as acting entirely upon principle, and as feeling a very pure and disinterested affection for America. He looked somewhat surprised, and said briskly to General Pinckney: well, Sir, you have been a long time in France, and in Holland; what do you think of it? General Pinckney answered, that he considered M. X. and M. Y. as men of truth, and of consequence, he could have but one opinion on the subject. He stated, that Hamburgh, and other states of Europe, were obliged to buy a peace; and that it would be equally for our interest, to do so. Once more, he spoke of the danger of a breach with France, and of her power, which nothing could resist. We told him, that it would be in vain for us to deny her power, or the solicitude we felt, to avoid a contest with it; that no nation estimated her power more highly than America, or wished more to be on amicable terms with her; but that one object was still dearer to us than the friendship of France, which was our national independence: that America had taken a neutral station: she had a right to take it: no : nó nation had a right to force us out of it: that to lend a sum of money to a belligerent power, abounding in every thing requisite for war but money, was to relinquish our neutrality, and take part in the war: to lend this money under the lash and coercion of France, was to relinquish the government of ourselves, and to submit to a foreign government imposed upon us by force: that we would make at least one manly struggle, before we thus surrendered our national independence: that our case was different from that of one of the minor nations of Europe; they were unable to maintain their independence, and did not expect to do so: America was a great, and, so far as concerned her self-defence, a powerful nation; she was able to maintain her independence; and must deserve to lose it, if she permitted it to be wrested from her that France and Britain had been at war for near fifty years of the last hundred, and might probably be at war for fifty years of the century to come; that America had no motives which could induce her to involve herself in those wars; and that if she now preserved her neutrality and her independence, it was most probable that she would not, in future, be afraid, as she had been for four years past: but, if she now surrendered her rights of self-government to France, or permitted them to be torn from her, she could not expect to recover them, or to remain neutral in any future war. He said, that France had lent us money during our revolution war, and only required that we should now exhibit the same friendship for her. We answered, that the cases were very different; that America solicited a loan from France, and left her at liberty to grant or refuse it but that France demanded it from America, and left us no choice on the subject. We also told him, there was another difference in the cases; that the money was lent by France, for great national and French objects; it was lent to maim a rival and an enemy, whom she hated: that the money, if lent by America, would not be for any American objects, but to enable France to extend still further her conquests. The conversation continued for nearly two hours; and the public and private advance of money was pressed and repressed in a variety of forms. At length M. X. said, that he did not blame us; that our determination was certainly proper, if we could keep it but he shewed decidedly his opinion to be that we could not keep it. He said, that he would communicate, as nearly as he could, our conversation to the Minister, or to M. Y. to be given by him to the Minister; we are not certain which. We then separated. On the 22d of October, VOL. IX. H |