their good-will. They delight in the indulgence of their hatred, and the only way to turn this, their fiend-like pleasure into pain, is, to treat them with scorn and contempt. There are, thank God, but few of this bitter tribe. Their number is too contemptible, to excite in the mind of a Briton, any thing like resentment, against the people of America; but, wherever a Briton meets with them, he should never forget to pay them back in their own coin ; for, again and again, I repeat it, that vulgar and rancorous natures are never to be won by kindness and condescension. You may coax them to accept of your table, or your purse: like the curs of Cas tile, while you are feeding them, they will lie at your feet; but the moment the last morsel is out of your hands, they will repay your generosity with a

snap.

As to WEBSTER's most silly excuses; his lame apology for his toad-eater HOPKINS; his paper be

σε

ing the common property, in which all parties "claim a right to utter their venom," his whining complaint about being exposed to indignities; his talk about his tender feelings, and his saying, that a news-monger must be callous, while he, with all his tender feelings, signifies his resolution to continue in this callous profession, without any alteration in his conduct: all this together, is such a mixture of insolence and meanness, that one hardly knows how to treat the fellow with sufficient contempt. In every sentence, you perceive the sturdy beggar, who, in every breath that he solicits your pence, tells you, that he is a "GENTLEMAN ;" and, if you refuse his request, concludes his harangue with saying, he does not care a d-n for you.

"MR. FENNO,

"It is remarked by the Editor of Porcupine's Gazette, that "it is thought by some weak per

sons, that Great Britain would not stand by and see this country revolutionized." They must be weak persons indeed, and very ignorant of the spirit and resources of the United States, who place their hope of salvation from a revolution, in Great Britain, or any other foreign nation. We must rely on ourselves, and look only to each other, to preserve us from this dreadful catastrophe. Nations have no affections, and if they have, we have little to expect from Great Britain; and as to their interest, it is often a question of uncertain and capri-. cious calculation, not always understood by themselves, and not at all to be relied on by another. For my own part, I expect no such assistance from Great Britain; nor do I feel that we shall want it. I have no idea that the power of this country is not fully adequate to the protection of its rights, and the preservation of its independence and government. I have no idea that it depends upon the good-will of Great Britain, whether we shall stand, or fall; or that the issue of our contest with France, is to be governed by the policy, interests, or friendship of Great Britain. Mr. Cobbett says, that he. hopes Great Britain will not stand by, until the bloody flag waves over our towns; but a minister of Great Britain would certainly see the thing in a different point of view. Thanking him for his good wishes, I most freely declare, that I don't care a single cent in what point of view the British minister, or any other minister, would view the thing; nor will I believe that it depends in any degree upon him, or his nation, how far the French are to be suffered to proceed in destroying us. However, even C. thinks, he would not suffer the Sans-culottes "to subjugate the whole country. Thank God, this is to be as we please, and not as Great Britain pleases. I do not say, whether, if we shall both be engaged in a war with the same enemy, a fair,

equal,

equal, and independent war treaty, may not be formed between us, for mutual advantage and assist ance. On this point, I give no opinion as yet."

At the first glance, this paragraph seems to owe its birth, merely to a plentiful stock of vanity, and as plentiful a lack of sense. But, though its countenance is marked with the bloat of self-conceit, and the broad stare of ignorance; yet, there lurks, underneath, a good deal of that cunning and spite, which are not unfrequently the companions of mental imbecility.

The objects of this writer of MR. FENNO's, are, 1st, to inculcate a belief, that I have no reliance on the spirit or resources of America. 2d, to draw me into such a reply to his monstrously absurd positions, as he, in a future publication, shall be able to twist into a contempt of the fidelity and courage of the people of the United States.

In his expectations he will be baffled; for, I have too firm a reliance on the resources and the courage of the people of America. To doubt of the former, would argue a total ignorance of the situation of the country, and to call the latter in question, would be to stigmatize my own race as cowards. But, though I know, that the means of the United States are great, and that their people are brave in the field, patient under hardships, and persevering under difficulties; it does not follow, that I ought to entertain no apprehensions for their safety. It does not follow, that I ought not to look upon about three or four millions of white people, clogged with half a million of slaves, and scattered over an extensive country, with an exposed coast of twelve hundred miles long, as standing in need of maritime assistance, against a numerous, an enterprising, a desperate, and ferocious foe. To have a reasonable confidence in one's own strength,

E 4

is

is a mark of a great mind; but to bluster and brag, without a solid foundation for confidence, is a mark of a little, a weak, and even a pusillanimous mind, that will not acknowledge the existence of danger, because it is too slothful, or too timid to prepare to meet it.

It is not only my opinion; it is the opinion of every reasonable man, that, without the co-operation of Great Britain, without the aid of her fleet, this country cannot make an effectual opposition to the forces, land and sea, that France is able to send against it, and particularly, if assisted by her faction, which still exists amongst us, in all its vigour. This opinion is daily and hourly gaining ground, in every part of the Union: several of the addresses to the President hint at it pretty broadly, and the PRESIDENT, in more than one of his answers, has explicitly declared, that the British navy is "the only remaining barrier against the power of France." If any thing could add weight to an opinion coming from this quarter, I might quote the speeches of almost every Federal member of both Houses of Congress; I could quote, besides, the declarations of the Envoys at Paris, who told the French Minister, that an attack on our coast by France, "would undoubtedly closely connect "the United States and Great Britain;" and, if Mr. FENNO's writer wanted still more, I could show him, that every partisan of France, every enemy to the Federal Government, has constantly endeavoured, like himself, to oppose the progress of this salutary opinion.

I do not, however, set the writer down as a devoted tool of France; I rather think he wishes well to his country, and am not without my suspicions, that he has heretofore entertained, and even expressed, sentiments on this subject, perfectly conformable to my own; and that he has now shaken

off

off his apprehensions, and is grown bold, from the appearance of a retrogade movement in the affairs of France in Europe. He now imagines, that the French will give up their hostile intentions; that there will be no need of the aid of Great Britain; and he therefore hastens to assert, that that aid could never be needed. But, surely this is being over sanguine! Let me ask him how he would look, if he were awaked in his bed to-morrow morning, and told, that France had made peace with Great Britain? I know what effect such news would produce on every real friend of this country, but I am not quite certain that I ought to include him in that number.

Considering the confident assertions, contained in the former part of the paragraph, the writer's conclusion is somewhat whimsical. He does not hesitate to declare, that "we must look only to each "other" that the assistance of Great Britain "is "not at all to be relied on, and that it is not wanted;" that "the power of the country is fully adequate to "its protection;" that he does not "care a cent in "what point of view" the British would see the contest; and that, the success or defeat of France "is to be as we please;" he does not hesitate a mo-* ment to assert all this, yet he concludes with say ing: "I do not say, whether, if we shall both be "engaged in a war with the same enemy, a fair, 66 equal, and independent war treaty, may not be "formed between us, for MUTUAL advantage and "assistance. On this point, I give no opinion as

yet."—And, why not?-This is a perfect paradox. If Great Britain is not to be relied on; if her aid is not worth a cent; if you can stop the French just when you please: if all this be so, why not " give an opinion on this point as yet?" Are you waiting to get your cue from the people? To stand thus, feeling the pulse of the public, on a question of impor

tance,