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the United States. But, the absurdity of this apology will at once be perceived, when it is recollected, that the treaty does not stipulate for the surrender of traitors (as it ought to have done), but for that of forgers and murderers only. No reason, therefore, existed for his disguising himself on this account, nor on any other than that of fear of detection by the people of America, and to fear such detection strongly argues the intention of committing some crime against the state ; and when to this suspicious circumstance of the feigned name, we add the cause of his emigration to France, and his subsequent connection with Gallois, Talleyrand, and the traitor Stone, who writes so despitefully of the American government; what is there, I pray, in Priestley's explanation, to induce us to abandon the persuasion of his being an agent in the service of France?
Fully aware of the effect of so dark-looking a circumstance as that of a feigned name, the Doctor has gone as far as he could to invalidate the fact. He says of his pupil : “ for some time, he is said to “ 'have assumed a feigned name; this he does not “ do here."--What a crafty, though simple-looking shift! It neither avows nor denies the fact of his having gone by a feigned name, previous to the publication of the Intercepted Letters, and yet it would leave the ignorant to believe, that he never did assume a feigned name in America. It is a true sectarian subterfuge; a lie in the words of truth, and is exactly of a piece with the cautious, placid, meek-sounding cant, that has ever been the distinguishing trait in the writings of the subtle hypocrite, who now makes use of it.
What! in the name of all that is impudent, does he mean, by telling the people, that, “it is said' that Vaughan went under a feigned name? Do we not know it? Does not Stone tell us so ? And
does not this villain address a letter to Priestley, in which he speaks of Vaughan under a feigned name? If he had not assumed a feigned name, why did not Stone call him by his real name? And, as to his not going 'by a feigned name here; if it was not · here, where was it?-in Great Britain ? -For what?
In France, where he was amongst his dear friends, Talleyrand, &c. ?-It is nonsense to suppose such a. thing. No, it is clear, it is certain, that he assumed a feigned name, that he assumed it here, and though it be impossible to determine exactly for what purpose it was assumed, no one will hesitate a moment to acknowledge, that that purpose must be known to Priestley ; for, had he not known the meaning of M. B. P. he nerer could have explained that meaning to the public; and it is very improbable, indeed, that he should be in the secret of Vaughan's assuming a feigned name, without being well acquainted with the reasons for his doing it, and, of course, without being an accomplice in all his designs.
I do not pretend to point out (it is not necessary that I should point out) the precise nature of these designs; but when all the circumstances are considered, the flight of Vaughan for England, his connections at Paris, the sentiments contained in Stone's letter, and, above all, the feigned name, it is impossible not to believe, that the intentions of the parties concerned, were dishonourable, if not hostile to the internal peace and safety of the United States.
Priestley plainly perceived, that the publishing of the Intercepted Letters must produce this persuasion in every mind, and he seems to have been pretty certain, that his subterfuges would not be sufficient to do it away: he concludes, therefore, with telling us, that Vaughan is well known to, • and probably corresponds with, the PRESIDENT,
who will smile at the surinises that have been 5 thrown out.' Matchless impudence! and it is the more provoking, from being accompanied with such seeming tranquillity and ease.
But, supposing for a moment, the fact to be true; supposing that Benjamin Vaughan, who gave intelligence respecting the state of his country, to an agent of the enemy, and who went afterwards to Paris, and joined a knot of execrable English trai. tors, avowedly in the service of France; allowing that the dear friend' of Talleyrand, Gallois, Stone, and Priestley; allowing that the secreted M. B. P. who has assumed a feigned name, to be well known to,' and even allowing that he corresponds with, the PRESIDENT,' what does that make in justification of his designs in America ? The PRESIDENT of the United States associating and corresponding with such a man, must, indeed, give great pain to his friends, and pleasure to his enemies; must fix the mark of fally on the character of his constituents, and that of imbecility on his own. But, it is false; false as the heart of its inventor. No man who is acquainted with the PEESIDENT, or with his sentiments, will ever believe it. He entertains too hearty an abhorrence of Jacobinism, to take one of its apostles by the hand. If, however, the disgraceful and alarming fact were founded in truth, it would be no proof of the innocent intentions of the person who had the address to insinuate himself into the confidence of the PRESIDENT; on the contrary, it would be a strong corroboration of our suspicions; it would tend to proye, that he understood his business, and had succeeded in his mission; for : how could a spy obtain more, or better information, than by conversing and corsesponding with him, whose breast is the repository of the designs and the secrets of the nation?
Thus, I put an end to my remarks on this string of miserable excuses, which, instead of white-washing the characters of the preceptor and his pupil, have certainly added to the darkness of their former dye. In supporting our suspicion, respecting the conduct or intentions of any one, it is not to be expected, that we should be able to point out precisely, what crime he has committed, or is going to commit; for this would no longer be suspicion ; it would be proof. When we say, we suspect men of evil deeds or intentions, all that is required of us is, that we bring forward, and establish the truth of facts, sufficient to warrant our suspicion. That such facts with respect to the evil intentions of Vaughan, and his confidential friend Priestley, were brought forward and established by the publication of Stone's treasonable letters, Priestley himself allows, when he says, that the publication has excited an alarn, &c. and, that the impression, which those facts were calculated to produce, ought not to be effaced by any thing contained in his paltry, shuffing explanation, I think will be granted by every American, whose mind is unperverted by the rancour of whiggism, and uncorrupted by the base and despicable principles of the Priestlean school,
::: OCTOBER, 1798.
Election at Baltimore.-The result of this contest, which has proved favourable to the “ HERO OF Mud FORT," is a disgrace to all the whole system of universal suffrage, and on the city of Baltimore itself, it implants a stain never to be removed by any thing its inhabitants can do or say.For iny part, I shall never more call it Baltimore ; the name of a noble family ought no longer to be
degraded by such an application. I shall call it Sans-culotte-ville, which, being interpreted, means, “ the city of ragamuffins.” . Extract of a Letter from Sans-culotte-ville, dated
October 4, 1798. « This night will end our four days' election, “ when SMITH, to the infamy of our district, will “ be chosen by a large majority; a melancholy re• cord of Jacobin triumph, over the friends of go16 vernment and its administration. His being a “ Major-general of the militia, and the lavish dis“ tribution, which has been made of money, in
every quarter, for the use of the vulgar, has had “ an influence not to be controlled by reason or
justice. Great preparations are making for the “ celebration of SMITH's success, this night. Se“ veral pipes of wine are taken out to the commons,
for the populace to regale with. A triumphal chair is made on purpose, and great illuminations
prepared by the democrats of our city. In short, “ the election has been attended with bloodshed « and mobs. The peaceable voters have been “ driven from the hustings. The country parties, « against SMITH, were, as they came in, met by “ the mobs, stoned, brick-batted, and knocked off “ their horses. · In a word, it has been a perfect “ Paris election, and SMITH may be looked upon os as the Marat of our city.
" P. S. Our MAYOR is a democrat, and, of “ course, never made one effort to check this vile - and infamous rabble.”
Extract of a "Letter from Harford, Maryland,
October 2, 1798. “ At our election in this county yesterday, “ Thomas had about 150 votes, and Christie about