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earnest of a satisfactory termination -of the whole negotiation. Measures are in operation for effecting treaties with the regencies of Tunis and Tripoli. To an active external commerce the protection of a naval force is indispensable. This is manifest with regard to wars in which a state is itself a party; but besides this, it is our own experience, that the most fincere neutrality is not a sufficient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized, and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even prevent the necessity of going to war, by discouraging belligerent powers from committing such violations of the rights of the neutral party as may, first or last, receive no other option. From the best information I have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protećting force, will always be insecure; and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been relieved. These confiderations invite the United States to look to the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a navy. The increasing progress of their navigation promises them, at no distant period, the requifite supply of seamen; and their means, in other respects, favour the undertaking. It is an encouragement, likewise, that their particular situation will give weight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not then be advisable to begin, without delay, to provide, and lay up the materials for the building and equipping
of ships of war; and to proceed in the work by degrees, in proportion as our resources shall render it practicable, without inconvenience; so that a future war of Europe may
not find our commerce in the same.
unprotećted state in which it was found by the present 2 Congress have repeatedly, and not without success, directed their attention to the encouragement of manufactures. The object is of too much consequence not to ensure a continuation of their efforts, in every way which will appear eligible. As a general rule, manufacturers on a public account are inexpedient; but where the state of things in a country leave little hope that certain branches of manufacture will, for a great length of time, obtain; when these are of a nature essential to the furnishing and equipping of the public force in the time of war, are not establishments for procuring them on public account, to the extent of the ordinary demand for the public service, recommended by strong confiderations of national policy, as an exception to the general rule : Ought our country to remain in such cases dependant on foreign supply, precarious, because liable to be interrupted 2 If the necessary articles should in this mode cost more in time of peace, will not the security and independence thence arising form an ample compensation ? Establishments of this sort, commensurate only with the calls of the public service in the time of peace, will, in time of war, easily be extended in proportion to the exigencies of government, and even perhaps to be made to yield a surplus, for the supply of our citizens at large; so as to mitigate the priWateers
and reputation. True it is that our country, much to its honour, contains seminaries of learning, highly respectable and useful; but the funds upon which they rest, are too narrow to command the ablest professors in the different departments of liberal knowledge, for the institution contemplated, though they would be excellent auxiliaries. Amongst the motives to such an institution, the assimilation of the principles, opinions, and manners of our countrymen, by the common education of a portion of our youth from every quarter, well deserves attention. The more homogeneous our citizens can be made, in these particulars, the greater will be our prospect of permanent union; and a primary object of such a national institution should be the education of our youth in the science of government. In a republic, what species of knowledge can be equally important; and what duty more presling on its legislature than to patronize a plan for communicating it to those who are to be the future guardians of the liberties of the country? While in our external relations, some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome, and others lefsened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention, that circumfiances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering, extensive injuries in the West Indies, from the cruizers and agents of the French republic; and communications have been received from its minister here which indicate the danger of a further disturbance in our commerce by its authority, and which are, 11
able, upright, and energetic administration. Jo HN ADAMs, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.
The following is the reply of the President. GENTLEMEN, IT affords me great satisfaction to find in your address a concurrence in tentiment with me on the various topics which I presented for your information and deliberation; and that the latter will receive from you an attention proportioued to their respective importance. For the notice you take of my public services, civil and military, and your kind wishes for my personal happiness, I beg you to accept my cordial thanks. Those services, and greater, had I possessed ability to render them, were due to the unanimous calls of my country; and its approbation is my abundant reward. When contemplating the period of my retirement. I saw virtuous and enlightened men, among whom I rested on the discernment and patriotism of my fellow-citizens to make the proper choice of a successor ; men who would require no influential example to ensure to the United States “an able, upright, and energetic administration.” To