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Addrefs of General Washington en bis retiring from the Office of Prefident of the United States of America.

ΤΟ THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED

STATES.

Friends and Fellow Citizens, THE period for a new election of a citizen to adminifter the executive government of the United States being not far diftant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in defignating the perfon who is to be clothed with that important truft, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more diftinct expreffion of the public voice, that I fhould now apprife you of the refolution I have formed to decline being confidered among the number of thofe out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you, at the fame time, to do me the juftice to be affured, that this refolution has not been taken without a ftrict regard to all the confiderations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country, and that, in withdrawing the tender of fervice, which filence in my fituation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future intereft; no deficiency of grateful refpect for your pait kindnefs; but am fupported by a full conviction that the ftep is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your fuffrages have twice called me, have been an uniform facrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your defire. I conftantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my power,

confiftently with motives which I was not at liberty to difregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The ftrength of my inclination to do this, previous to my last election, had even led to the preparation of an addrefs to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of perfons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders, the pufuit of inclination incompatible with the fentiment of duty or propriety; and am perfuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my fervices, that in the present circumftances of our country, you will not difapprove my determination to retire.

The impreflions with which I firft undertook the arduous trust were explained on the proper occafion. In the difcharge of this truft I will only fay, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and adminiftration of the government, the beft exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconfcious in the outfet of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps ftill more in the eyes of others, has ftrengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increafing weight of years admonishes me more and more that the fhade of retirement is as neceffary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumftances have given peculiar value to my fervices, they were temporary; I

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have the confolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotifm does not forbid it.

In looking forward to the moment, which is intended- to terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to fufpend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me: ftill more for the stedfaft confidence with which it has fupported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifefting my inviolable attachment, by fervices faithful and perfevering,, though in ufefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have refulted to our country from these fervices, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an inftructive example in our annals, that under circumftances in which the paffions, agitated in every direction, were liable to milead, amidst appearances fometimes dubious, viciffitudes of fortune often difcouraging, in fituations in which not unfrequently want of fuccefs has countenanced the fpirit of criticism, the conftancy of your fupport was the effential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I fhall carry it with me to my grave, as a frong incitement to unceafing vows, that heaven may continue to you the choiceft tokens of its beneficence, that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free conftitution, which is the work of your hands, may be facredly maintained; that its adminiftration in every de

partment may be ftamped with wifdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happinefs of the people of thefe ftates, under the aufpices of liberty, may be made complete, by fo careful a prefervation and fo prudent a use of this bleffing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applaufe, the affection, and adoption of every nation which is yet a firanger to it.

Here, perhaps, I ought to flop. But folicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehenfion of danger, natural to that folicitude, urge me, on an occafon like the prefent, to offer to your folema contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, fome fentiments, which are the refult of much reflection, of no inconfiderable obfervation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. Thefe will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only fee in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can poffibly have no perfonal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my fentiments on a former and not diffimilar occafion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your heart, no recommendation of mine is neceffary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

The unity of government, which conftitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is juftly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the fupport of your tranquillity at home,

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your peace abroad; of your fafety; of your profperity; of that very liberty which you fo highly prize. But as it is easy to forefee, that from different caufes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortrefs against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most conftantly and actively (though covertly and infidioufly) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immenfe value of your national union to your collective and individual happness; that you fhould cherith a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it, accuftoming yourselves to think and fpeak of it as of the palladium of your political fafety and profperity; watching for its prefervation with jealous anxiety; difcountenancing whatever may fuggest even a fufpicion that it can in any event be abandoned and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of any attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the reft, or to enfeeble the facred ties which now link together its various parts.

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For this you have every induce ment of fympathy and intereft. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of American, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the juft pride of patriotifm more than any appellation derived from local difcriminations. With flight thades of difference, you have the fame religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a

common caufe fought and triumphed together; the independence and liberty you poffefs-are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, fufferings, and fucceffes.

But these confiderations, however powerfully they addrefs themfelves to your fenfibility, are greatly outweighed by thofe which apply more immediately to your intereft. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preferving the union of the whole.

The north, in an unrestrained intercourfe with the fouth, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional refources of maritime and commercial enterprife, and precious materials of manufacturing induftry. The fouth, in the fame intercourfe, benefiting by the agency of the north, fees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand; turning partly into its own channels the feamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and while it contributes in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime ftrength, to which itfelf is unequally adapted. The eaft, in a like intercourfe with the weft, already finds, and in the progreffive improvement of interior communication by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The wet derives from the eaft fupplies requifite to its growth and comfort; U 4

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and what is perhaps of fiill greater confequence, it must of neceflity Lowe the fecure enjoyment of indifpenfable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime ftrength of the Atlantic fide of the union, directed by an indiffoluble community of intereft as one nation. Any other tenure by which the weft can hold this effential advantage, whether derived from its own feparate ftrength, or from an apoftate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, muft be intrinfically precarious.

While every part of our country feels an inmediate and particular intereft in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find, in the united mafs of means and efforts, greater frength, greater refource, proportionably greater fecurity from external danger, a lefs frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of ineftimable value! they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themfelves, which fo frequently afflict neighbouring countries, not tied together by the fame government; which their own rivalships alone would be fufficient to produce, but which oppofite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would ftimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewife, they will avoid the peceffity of thofe overgrown eftabliments, which, under any form of government, are inaufpicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hoftile to republican liberty; in this fenfe it is that your union ought to be confidered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the prefervation of the other.

Thefe confiderations fpeak a perfuafive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibits the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic defire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace fo large a fphere? Let experience folve it. To liften to mere fpeculations in fuch a cafe were criminal. We are authorised to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the refpective fubdivifions, will afford a happy iffue to the experiment. 'Tis well worth a fair and full experiment. With fuch powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience fhall not have demonftrated its impracticability, there will always be reafon to diftruft the patriotism of thofe, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

In contemplating the caufes which may disturb our union, it occurs as matter of ferious concern, that any ground fhould have been furnished for characterising parties by geographical diferiminations, northern and fouthern, Atlantic and western; whence defigning men may endeavour to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interefts and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular diftricts, is to mifrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot fhield yourfelves too much against the jealoufies and heart-burnings which fpring from thefe mifreprefentatious: they tend to render alien to each other thofe who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country

have lately had an useful leffon on this head; they have feen, in the negotiation by the executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the fenate of the treaty with Spain, and in the univerfal fatisfaction at the event throughout the United States, a decifive proof how unfounded were the fufpicions propagated among them of a policy in the general government, and in the Atlantic ftates, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Miffilippi: they have been witneffes to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which fecure to them every thing they could defire, in refpect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their profperity. Will it not be their wifdom to rely for the preservation of thefe advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to thofe advifers, if fuch there are, who would fever them from their brethren, and connect with aliens?

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To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a government for the whole is indifpenfible. alliances, however ftrict, between the parties, can be an adequate fubfiitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Senfible of this momentous truth you have improved upon your firft effay, by the adoption of a conftitution of government better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full inveftigation, and mature deliberation, com

pletely free in its principles, in the diftribution of its powers, uniting fecurity with energy, and containing within itfelf a provifion for its own amendment, has just claim to your confidence and your fupport. Refpect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiefcence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The bafis of our political fyftems is the right of the people to make and to alter their conftitutions of government; but the conflitution, which at any time exifts, until changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is facredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to eftablith government, prefuppofes the duty of every individual to obey the established government.

All obftructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and affociations, under whatever plaufible character, with the real defign to direct, controul, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the conftituted authorities, are deftructive of this fundamental principle, and of fatal tendency. They ferve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force--to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will of a party, often a fmall but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public adminiftration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of confiftent and wholefome plan, digefted by common councils, and modified by mutual interefts.

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