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number of highwaymen and housebreakers. Even the adventurers, who have been fortunate, are by sudden wealth led into expensive living, the habit of which continues when the means of supporting it cease, and finally ruins them: a just punishment for their having wantonly and unfeelingly ruined many honest, innocent traders and their families, whose substance was employed in serving the common interests of mankind.

ON THE IMPRESS OF SEAMEN. JUDGE FOSTER, p. 151. 'Every man.'-The conclusion here from the whole to a part, does not seem to be good logic. If the alphabet should say, Let us all fight for the defence of the whole; that is equal, and may, therefore, be just. But if they should say, Let A, B, C and D go out and fight for us, while we stay at home and sleep in our skins; that is not equal, and therefore cannot be just.

Ib. 'Employ.'-If you please. The word signifies engaging a man to work for me, by offering him such wages as are sufficient to induce him to prefer my service. This is very different from compelling him to work on such terms as I think proper.

Ib. 'This service and employment,' &c.-These are false facts. His employment and service are not the same. Under the merchant he goes in an unarmed vessel, not obliged to fight, but to transport merchandise. In the king's service he is obliged to fight and hazard all the dangers of battle. Sickness on board of king's ships is also more common and more mortal. The merchant's service, too, he can quit at the end of the voyage; not the king's. Also, the merchant's wages are much higher.

Ib. I am very sensible,' &c.-Here are two

things put in comparison that are not comparable; viz. injury to seameh, and inconvenience to trade. Inconvenience to the whole trade of a nation will not justify injustice to a single seaman. If the trade would suffer without his service, it is able and ought to be willing to offer him such wages as may induce him to afford his service voluntarily.


Page 159. Private mischief must be borne with patience, for preventing a national calamity.' Where is this maxim in law and good policy to be found? And how can that be a maxim which is not consistent with common sense? If the maxim had been, that private mischiefs, which prevent a national calamity, ought to be generously compensated by the nation, one might understand it: but that such private mischiefs are only to be borne with patience, is absurd!

Ib. The expedient,' &c. 'And,' &c. (Paragraphs 2 and 3).-Twenty ineffectual or inconvenient schemes will not justify one that is unjust.

Ib. Upon the foot of,' &c.-Your reasoning, indeed, like a lie, stands but upon one foot; truth upon two.

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Page 160. Full wages,' probably the same they had in the merchant's service.

Page 174. I hardly admit,' &c.—(Paragraph 5). -When this author speaks of impressing, page 158, he diminishes the horror of the practice as much as possible, by presenting to the mind one sailor only suffering a hardship' (as he tenderly calls it) 'in some particular cases' only; and he places against this private mischief, the inconvenience to the trade of the kingdom.-But if, as he supposes is often the case, the sailor who pressed and obliged to serve for the defence of trade, at the rate of twentyfive shillings per month, could get three pounds fif

teen shillings in the merchant's service, you take from him fifty shillings a month; and if you have 100,000 in your service, you rob this honest industrious part of society and their poor families of 250,0001. per month, or three millions a year, and at the same time oblige them to hazard their lives in fighting for the defence of your trade; to the defence of which all ought indeed to contribute (and sailors among the rest) in proportion to their profits by it; but this three millions is more than their share, if they did not pay with their persons; but when you force that, methinks you should excuse the other.

But, it may be said, to give the king's seamen merchant's wages would cost the nation too much, and call for more taxes. The question then will amount to this: whether it be just in a community, that the richer part should compel the poorer to fight in defence of them and their properties, for such wages as they think fit to allow, and punish them if they refuse? Our author tells us that it is 'legal.' I have not law enough to dispute his authorities, but I cannot persuade myself that it is equitable. I will, however, own for the present, that it may be lawful when necessary; but then contend that it may be used so as to produce the same good effects-the public security, without doing so much intolerable injustice as attends the impressing common seamen.-In order to be better understood, I would premise two things:-First, That voluntary seamen may be had for the service, if they were sufficiently paid. The proof is, that to serve in the same ship, and incur the same danger, you have no occasion to impress captains, lieu


tenants, second lieutenants, midshipmen, pursers, nor many other officers. Why, but that the profits of their places, or the emoluments expected, are sufficient inducements? The business then is, to find money, by impressing, sufficient to make the sailors all volunteers, as well as their officers; and this without any fresh burden upon trade.-The second of my premises is, that twenty-five shillings a month, with his share of the salt beef, pork, and peas-pudding, being found sufficient for the subsistence of a hard-working seaman, it will certainly be so for a sedentary scholar or gentleman. I would then propose to form a treasury, out of which encouragements to seamen should be paid. To fill this treasury, I would impress a number of civil officers, who at present have great salaries, oblige them to serve in their respective offices for twentyfive shillings a month with their shares of mess provisions, and throw the rest of their salaries into the seaman's treasury. If such a press-warrant were given me to execute, the first I would press should be a recorder of Bristol, or a Mr. Justice Foster, because I might have need of his edifying example, to show how much impressing ought to be borne with: for he would certainly find, that though to be reduced to twenty-five shillings a month might be a 'private mischief,' yet that, agreeably to his maxim of law and good policy, it ought to be borne with patience,' for preventing a national calamity. Then I would press the rest of the judges; and opening the red book, I would press every civil officer of government, from 501. a year salary, up to 50,0001, which would throw an immense sum into our treasury: and these gentlemen could not complain, since they would receive

hunters having killed a deer, made a fire in the woods to broil some parts of it. When they were about to satisfy their hunger, they beheld a beautiful young woman descend from the clouds, and seat herself on that hill which you see yonder among the blue mountains. They said to each other, 'it is a spirit that perhaps has smelt our broiled venison, and wishes to eat of it; let us offer some to her.' They presented her with the tongue: she was pleased with the taste of it, and said, 'your kindness shall be rewarded; come to this place after thirteen moons, and you shall find something that will be of great benefit in nourishing you and your children to the latest generations.' They did so, and, to their surprise, found plants they had never seen before; but which from that ancient time, have been constantly cultivated among us, to our great advantage. Where her right hand had touched the ground, they found maize; where her left hand had touched it, they found kidney-beans; and where her backside had sat on it, they found tobacco." The good missionary, disgusted with this idle tale, said, "What I delivered to you were sacred truths; but what you tell me is mere fable, fiction, and falsehood." The Indian, offended, replied, "My brother, it seems your friends have not done you justice in your education; they have not well instructed you in the rules of common civility. You saw that we, who understand and practise those rules, believed all your stories, why do you refuse to believe ours?"

When any of them come into our towns, our people are apt to crowd round them, gaze upon them, and incommode them where they desire to be private; this they esteem great rudeness, and the effect of the want of instruction in the rules of civility

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