СНАР.

X.

1199.

THOUGH the English pleased themselves with the glory which the King's martial talents procured them, his reign was M fcellaneous very oppreffive, and somewhat arbitrary, by the high taxes tranfactions of which he levied on them, and often without confent of the this reign. ftates or great council. In the ninth of his reign, he levied five fhillings on each hyde of land; and because the clergy refused to contribute their fhare, he put them out of the protection of law, and ordered the civil courts to give them no fentence for any debts which they might claim. Twice in his reign he ordered all his charters to be fealed anew, and the parties to pay fees for the renewal. It is faid that Hubert, his jufticiary, fent him over to France, in the space of two years, no less a fum than 1,100,000 marks, befides bearing all the charges of the government in England. But this account is quite incredible, unless we suppose that he made an extreme dilapidation of the demefnes of the crown, which it is not likely he could do with any advantage after his former refumption of all grants. A King who poffeffed fuch a revenue could never have endured fourteen months captivity, for not paying 150,000 marks to the Emperor, and be obliged at last to leave hostages for a third of the fum. The price of commodities in this reign are also a certain proof, that no fuch enormous fum could be levied from the people. A hyde of land, or a hundred and twenty acres, was commonly let for twenty fhillings a-year, money of that time. The general and stated price of an ox was four fhillings; of a labouring horse, the fame; of a fow, one fhilling; of a sheep with fine wool, ten pence; with coarse wool, fix pence*.

Hoveden, p. 743. Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 563. z Prynne's Chronol. Vindic. tom. i. p. 1133. Hoveden, p. 745.

Thefe

These commodities feem not to have advanced in their prices CHA P. fince the conquest ».

RICHARD renewed the fevere laws against tranfgreffors in his forests, whom he punished by caftration and putting out their eyes, as in the reign of his great-grand-father. He established by law one weight and measure throughout his kingdom: An useful institution, which the mercenary difpofition and neceffities of his fucceffor engaged him to dispense with for money.

THE diforders in London, derived from its bad police, had risen to a great height during this reign; and in the year 1196, there seemed to be formed a regular confpiracy of malefactors, which threatened the city with deftruction. There was one William Fitz-Ofbert, commonly called Long beard, a lawyer, who had rendered himself extremely popular among the lower rank of citizens; and by defending them on all occafions, had acquired the appellation of the advocate or faviour of the poor. He exerted his authority, by injuring and infulting the more fubftantial inhabitants, with whom he lived in a state of hoftility, and who were every moment expofed to the most outragious violences from him and his licentious emiffaries. Murders were daily, committed in the streets; houfes were broke open and

Madox, in his Baronia Anglia, cap. 14. tells us, That in the 30th of Henry II. thirtythree cows and two bulls coft but eight pounds feven fhillings; 500 sheep, twenty-two pounds ten fhillings, or about ten pence three farthings per fheep; fixty-fix oxen for eighteen pounds three fhillings; fifteen breeding mares for two pounds twelve shillings and fix pence; and twenty-two hogs, one pound two fhillings. Commodities feem then to have been about ten to one cheaper; all except the sheep, probably on account of the value of the fleece. The fame author in his Formulare Anglicanum, p. 17. fays, That in the 10th year of Richard I. mention is made of ten per cent. paid for money: But the Jews frequently exacted much higher interest.

M. Paris, p. 109, 134. Trivet, p. 127. Ann. Waverl. p. 165. Hoveden, p. 774

X.

1199.

X.

1199.

CHAP. pillaged in day-light; and it is pretended, that no less than fifty-two thousand persons had figned an association, by which they bound themselves to obey all the orders of this dangerous ruffian. Archbishop Hubert, who was then chief justiciary, fummoned him before the council to answer for his conduct; but he came fo well attended, that no one durft accuse him, or give evidence against him; and the primate, finding the impotence of laws, contented himself with exacting from the citizens hostages for their good behaviour. He kept, however, a watchful eye on William; and feizing a favourable opportunity, attempted to commit him to cuftody; but the criminal, murdering one of the public officers, escaped with his concubine to the church of St. Mary le Bow, where he defended himself by force of arms. He was at laft forced from his retreat, condemned, and executed, amidst the infinite regrets of the populace, who were fo devoted to his memory, that they stole his gibbet, paid the fame veneration to it as to the crofs, and were equally zealous in propagating and attesting reports of the miracles which were wrought by it. But though the fectaries of this superstition were punished by the jufticiary, it received fo little encouragement from the established clergy, whose property was endangered by fuch feditious practices, that it suddenly funk and vanished.

d Hoveden, p. 765. Diceto, p. 691. Neubrig. p. 492, 493.

• Gervafe, p. 1591.

CHAP.

CHAP. XI.

JOH

OH N.

Acceffion of the King

His marriage

War with France

Murder of Arthur, duke of Brittany.The King expelled from all the French provinces.The King's quarrel with the court of Rome Cardinal Langton appointed archbishop of Canter·Interdict of the kingdom- -Excommunication of the The King's fubmiffion to the Pope-Discontents of

buryKing

the barons

T

-Infurrection of the barons-Magna Charta.
-Renewal of the civil wars-Prince Lewis called over
Death-and character of the King.

СНАР.
XI.

1199. Acceffion of

HE noble and free genius of the antients, which made the government of a single person be always regarded as a fpecies of tyranny and ufurpation, and kept them from forming any conception of a legal and regular monarchy, had ren- the King. dered them entirely ignorant both of the rights of primogeniture and a representation in fucceffion; inventions fo necessary to preserve order in the lines of princes, to obviate the evils of civil difcord and of ufurpation, and to beget moderation in that specics of government, by giving fecurity to the ruling sovereign. These innovations arose from the feudal law; which, firft introducing the right of primogeniture, made such a distinction between the families of the elder and younger brothers, that the fon of the former was thought intitled to fucceed to his grandfather, preferably to his uncles, tho' nearer allied to the deceased VOL. II. monarch.

G

CHAP.
XI.

1199.

monarch. But tho' this progress of ideas was natural, it was
gradual. In the age of which we treat, the practice of repre-
fentation was indeed introduced, but not thoroughly established;
and the minds of men floated between oppofite principles.
Richard, when he entered on the holy war, declared his nephew,
Arthur duke of Brittany, his fucceffor; and by a formal deed, he
fet afide, in his favour, the title of his brother John, who was
younger than Geoffrey, the father of that prince. But John fo
little acquiefced in this destination, that when he gained the af-
cendant in the English ministry, by expelling Longchamp, the
chancellor and great jufticiary, he engaged all the English barons
to fwear, that they would maintain his right of fucceffion; and
Richard, on his return, took no fteps towards reftoring or fecu-
ring the order which he had at first established. He was even
careful, by his last will, to declare his brother John heir to all his
dominions'; whether, that he now thought Arthur, who was
only twelve years of age, incapable of afferting his claim against
John's faction, or was influenced by Eleanor, the Queen-mother,
who hated Conftantia, mother to the young duke, and who
dreaded the influence which that princefs would naturally ac-
quire during the reign of her fon. The authority of a testament
was great in that age, even where the fucceffion of a kingdom
was concerned; and John had reason to hope, that this title,
joined to his plaufible right in other refpects, would enfure him
the fucceffion. But the idea of representation feems to have
made, at this time, greater progress in France than in England;
and the barons of the tranfmarine provinces, Anjou, Maine, and
Touraine, immediately declared in favour of Arthur's fucceffion,

• Hoveden, p. 677. M. Paris, p. 112. Chron. de Dunft. p. 43.
p. 66, 68. Bened. Abb. p. 619.
f Hoveden, p. 791.
Hoveden, p. 792. M. Paris, p. 137. Matth. Weft. p. 263. Knyghton, p. 2414.

Rymer, vol. i.
Trivet, p. 138.

and

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