was often frightened. On account of lonesomeness and darkness we had to move which we finally did. The new house was no better than the first, but yet much more comfortable for my mother. We are planning to move as soon as we find the exact home and location that we are looking for." Pac.

CASE 9 "My father wrote back home to tell us to come to some apartments on Pine St. We stayed here until we found something else. Then to a house on 8th Ave. This was far from my father's work, so we moved to a large house on 42nd Ave." Pac.

CASE 10 "Then we moved to Seattle where I lived in the Roslyn Hotel. Then we moved to West Seattle. I moved to the Manhattan Apts. Then to 126 Minor Ave. No. Then to 1164 John St., back to West Seattle, then back to 1164 John St. Next I moved to Rainier Valley at 6512 48th Ave. So. Then I moved to 224 Minor Ave. No. where I am now living." Casc.

SUCCESSION

Social workers and students of municipal affairs have for some time recognized the importance of a type of intra-community mobility known as Succession.19 By this term we mean the phenomenon whereby a particular social or racial type due to the internal pressure of greater economic power or the external pressure of competition, gradually migrates from its geographical habitat into an adjoining territory previously inhabited by a different type of population. This is a type of population movement which has received considerable attention, especially in Eastern urban centers, where the racial immigrant groups assume such large proportions.

Though less rapid and sometimes less perceptible in its effects upon the neighborhood, no less important in the metabolism of the modern city is the succession of an economic type. The growth of any city is largely measured by the progressive expansion of the central business area and the recession of the desirable residential districts.20 Seattle too has witnessed this process of the encroachment of the undesirable factories and business houses into regions, once held sacred to the residential use of the first citizens of the community, and the gradual removal of the "nice people" to the fashionable regions along the Sound and Lake shore. The number of large, old-fashioned houses in the area of disorganization and transition immediately surrounding the center of the city, once occupied by the city's aristocracy, but now in sad

19 Succession is a term borrowed from the field of biology but well adapted to use in the social sciences. The botanical connotation is given in an excerpt from Bucher: "On the same terrain where a more highly organized plant or animal has no longer room for subsistence, others less exacting in their demands take up their position and flourish. The coming of the new is not infrequently the cause of the disappearance of those already there and of their withdrawal to more favorable surroundings." Bucher, Industrial Evolution, 364.

20 "The more desirable residential districts progressively detach themselves from the expanding industrial and business areas. The best residential sections keep the farthest removed from the business and industrial centers, since their population can afford the time and cost of transportation; or else they are sheltered behind legal fortifications called restricted territory.' This process is continuous in growing cities. Residential property is always invaded more or less rapidly by industry and business, and the old houses of the well-to-do are being turned over, in progressive stages of disrepair, for the occupance of the poor. The human debris of city building thus always lies in the most conspicuous paths of its progress. The poorest of a city's people tend to live within the shadow of the proudest of its enterprises." St. Louis Church Survey, 64.

need of repair and inhabited by the socially inferior-the poor, the defectives and the criminals-speak eloquently of the potency of the process of economic succession in Seattle. As in most cities, the factor of racial antipathies has entered in to hasten this process.21 Especially in the Central, Cascade, Denny, Warren and Pacific school districts, has the removal of the best "American families" been precipitated by the invasion of the Negro, the Oriental and such immigrant groups as the Russians, and the Russian and Spanish Jews. Seattle, because of its shorter history and smaller population, has not witnessed such a dramatic progression or succession of races and types through various areas, but one example of such a wholesale movement of population may be cited in the case of the Jewish elements in Seattle. The schools, because they remain attached to one area, may well serve to guage the speed and volume of these population currents; and it is through two principals of schools in this transitional area, both of whom had served in that capacity for over a quarter of a century, that the most accurate information as to the succession of types was obtained.

The Washington and Pacific, the two schools to which reference was made, are both located in the area just east of the business district of Seattle. As early as twenty-three years ago, the race problem had begun to aggravate the native white population of the district; and the "pure Nordic stock," of early American settlers, was annoyed by the appearance in their midst of a considerable number of German-Jews. In conformity with Gresham's Law, the "superior type" was driven out by the "inferior" and by 1907, GermanJews were in possession of almost the entire region. These German Jews were small trades people and during this period laid the foundation for the economic success which later placed them in control of many of the large business houses of the city.

About this time (1907) a new migration of Russian-Jews had begun to force an entrance into the Pacific school area, this movement being precipitated by the Kishi-nef Massacre and the Pogroms in Russia. Strangely enough, the Russian Jews did not receive a hearty welcome from their German brethren, and again the "superior" type was forced further east. This invasion by Russian Jews continued until about 1909, shortly after which a new process of infiltration had begun, in which the Spanish or Sofardic-Jews were the invaders. In the meantime, the German Jewish type had largely passed out of the class of small tradesmen into that of prosperous business men; and in token of this rise in economic status they had moved on to the substantial and refined residential area around the Minor school. In so doing, they again

21 The present distribution of population in St. Louis is eloquent evidence of the process described: "Following every new wave of population congesting the old centers, successive dispersion have gone forth. Germans have followed Irish; Poles, Germans; and Jew, Poles the last-coming Italian being finally left in principal possession of the field. This is the story of the North Side, and precisely similar successions of the Teutonic and Slavic waves have marked also the development of the South Side." St. Louis Church Survey, 65.

compelled an exodus of the native aristocracy, this time into the Lowell and Stevens districts.

The migrations of Spanish-Jews, consisting of from two to three thousand individuals, came largely from the Isle of Rhodes in the Mediterranean. Most of them are unskilled workers and many have found work as junk-men and peddlers. A considerable number of the children of these Spanish-Jews are to be found at the present time in the Pacific and Washington schools and a very few in the Horace Mann. It is significant that the last two types of population, instead of spreading into the high economic area of the Minor, Longfellow and Stevens schools, has moved on east into the area of the small home-owners in the part of the Washington and the Horace Mann districts. Mr. Winton, principal of the Washington school, asserted that sixty-five per cent of the pupils of his school were Russian and Spanish-Jews.

The latest development in this process of succession has been the gradual expansion of the Japanese from the disorganized area below Twelfth Avenue into the Pacific and Washington school areas. The Japanese have been moving into the district during the past two years at approximately the same speed at which the Spanish-Jews have moved out. Between fifty and sixty Japanese are now enrolled in the Washington school and a considerably larger number in the Pacific.

IV.

SOCIAL CONDITIONS ASSOCIATED WITH MOBILITY

Mobility is so inextricably related to the whole social structure, that any unitary explanation is clearly impossible. With the present inadequate knowledge, the best that may be hoped for is to portray more or less accurately the outstanding social conditions associated with this phenomenon. A direct and unitary causal relationship cannot as yet be established.

REASONS GIVEN FOR MOVEMENT

A detailed analysis of the various reasons for moving as stated in the autobiographies from the Pacific, Washington and Central schools is presented in Table XI. It will be recalled that the children enquired of their parents for this information, and the data as given here are as accurate as could be obtained under the circumstances. The reasons for change of address ascribed by the children were reduced to twenty-one in number and these were arranged according to type and frequency of appearance.

TABLE XI

Reasons for Change of Address Given by Children According to School and
Frequency of Appearance

*Order of frequency of appearance of the reason for movement in particular school. **Includes such reasons as the following: "hope to do better," "we thought we could make more money, "on account of bad business conditions," etc.

While the above information represents only five hundred ninety-eight cases out of eighteen hundred and four, and though one cannot be sure that the reasons given are the real reasons, nevertheless certain generalizations as to the conditions of intra-national mobility may be ventured on the basis of this table. Each of the factors mentioned in the foregoing table will receive detailed attention in the course of the chapter.

ADVERTISING AS A FACTOR IN MOBILITY

A development within recent years of considerable importance to the study of mobility has been the policy adopted by certain powerful agencies in the United States definitely to foster and encourage mobility in the population. Extensive advertising and publicity campaigns by railroads, steamship companies, chambers of commerce and similar private agencies have been conducted throughout the entire country for the purpose of stimulating travel. To quote from the report of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce Publicity Committee for the year of 1924, "Three years ago trustees of the Seattle Chamber of Commerce voted to carry on a national advertising campaign . . . In four successive national advertising and tourist promotion campaigns, from 1921 to 1924, Seattle business men, through their Chamber of Commerce, have invested $312,000."

This money has been spent in advertising space in such national magazines as The Saturday Evening Post, Literary Digest, Harpers, Outlook, Atlantic Monthly, Century, World's Work, Leslie's, American, Sunset, and the like, in advertising space in eastern and southern newspapers, billboard advertising, motion picture films, in booklets and literature, and in travel bureaus in eastern cities. In that period of time not less than 190,000 booklets of varying sizes and containing wonderful prints of the scenic beauties and economic advantages offered by the "Charmed Land" to settlers and tourists have been circulated by the local chamber. During the four years of 19211924 at least 588,000 people received direct service through the publicity department of the Chamber. By means of the advertising campaign of 1925, it is expected to reach 24,000,000 persons.

The effectiveness of this and similar campaigns conducted by other agencies is attested to by the fact that, according to the report of the Chamber, some 700,000 tourists and settlers came into the city during the four-year period, and spent $11,200,000.00 in the city during their visit or residence. It is impossible to determine with any degree of accuracy the number of residents of the city who were first introduced as tourists or who were induced to come to the city through skillfully conducted advertising campaigns. If we are to judge from the experience of various welfare agencies in the city, the statements of Chamber officials and the evidence found in autobiographies, the effect of these nationally conducted publicity campaigns as a stimulus to mobility is sufficiently significant to deserve our serious consideration.