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MR. URBAN,

May 30. A copy of the Maid of Orleans, of Monf. de Voltaire, falling accidentally into my hands, I have been induced to attempt an imitation, rather than a tranflation, of the First Canto. "He was" (fays a Critic, whose words I remember, but whofe name I forget) " a wri❝ter over whofe memory Modesty must "blush, Religion figh, and Charity drop a "tear." That decency is too often facrificed to merriment, and that the nobleft faculties of the mind have been prostituted to impiety and lewdnefs, has been frequently but vainly lamented: if I have, in the prefent inftance, endeavoured to render this hitherto forbidden gueft admiffible into good company; if I have tried to feparate wit and fine fentiment from irreligion and indecency; the defign will, I hope, in fome degree, excufe the deficiency of the execution. I fhall only add, that as the fubject of the poem takes place during the most brilliant æra of British hiftory, a fentiment of Patriotifm guided my pen, and attached me still stronger to the fubject.

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Her's was the talk to rouze the tardy King, To wake her Monarch from his am'rous trance,

To burft the filken chains which pleasures bring,

And make him quit the goblet for the launce.
IV.

She, 'neath a female form and coarse attire,
Had heart like heroes, fung in antient fong;
Many may foftnefs, gentlenefs admire;'
But Joan was ftout, and as a lion strong.

V.
All muft with wonder hear what I affert,
Read with furprize the tale I fing of here,
How the, 'midit magic, war, and love, unhurt,
Did keep unloos'd her virgin zone a year.
VI.

Good Charles the Seventh, in his youthful days,
At Tours beheld a Damfel paffing fair:
This Prince delighted much in dance and plays,
And Agnes Sorrel was his partner there.
VII.

Sure ne'er was form'd a maid in beauty's mold,
More apt the force of female charms to prove!
Who could thofe eyes,that fnowy neck,behold,
Nor feel the melting exftacy of love?

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At court Bonneau was held in high repute, To the King's pleasure an obedient imp; Myfterious, trufty, filent as a mute;

Plain country folks would call the rogue a
pimp.
XIII

Imagine, lovers! ye who know the blifs
Of keen defires, which many a tedious hour
Has deeply ftung, the pointed rapt'rous kifs,
The eye that speaks, the tongue without the
pow'r.

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THE following Report of the Committee of Pennsylvania Affembly (if Government thould think proper to attempt the abolition of the Slave Trade) may affift in framing a bill for tha purpofe; for an act loofely worded will only encourage evafian, perjury, and all kinds of roguery, without anfwering in any refpect the benevolent purpose of the founders,

T

HE Committee, to whom was referred the petition of the people called Quakers, in favour of the diftreff d Africans and their defcendants, and also that from divers inhabitants of the city and county of Philadel phia on the fame fubject,

Report, That, having paid all the attention to the fubject-matter of the faid petitions which its importance feemed to require, it appears to your Committee, that although the Act, entitled "An Act for the gradual abolition of flavery," has been attended with very falutary effects, it is not fufciently calculated to answer all the benevolent purpofes which the legislature had in view, and which juftice and humanity call for.

The fubje&t, important as it is, was in the fcience of legiflation in fome degree new and unexplored; and experience evinces, that in fuch cafes the utmost fretch of human wifdom is inadequate to the arduous talk of guarding against all the mifchiefs and fubtile evafions which artful and unprincipled men are too apt to embrace. Hence it is, that perfons of this defcription, unmindful of that rule which commands, that "whatfoever we would that men fhould do unto us, we thould do even fo to them," have, as your Committee are credibly informed, in a variety of infances, and in contraven tion of the refolution of Congress of the goth of October, 1784, by which that auguft body did, for themfelves and their constituents, firmly agree, and affociate under the facied ties of virtue, honour, and love of their country," that they would neither import, nor purchase, any Slave imported after the first day of Decem ber then next, but would wholly difcontinue the Slave Trade, and would neither be concerned in it themselves, or hire their veffels, or fell their commodities or manufactures to thofe who thould be concerned in it," equipped and fitted out from the Port of Philadel phia, veffels provided with hand-cuffs, and military implements, in order to fir up and arm the Princes of Africa to wage war against each other, for the encouragement aud fupport of an unrighteous traffick in human feth, a track by which hufbands torn from their wives, and wives from their husbands, parents from their children, and children from their parents, are fold as Captive Slaves, into a long and cruel bondage.

That if the declaration contained in our Bill of Rights, "That all men are boin equally free and independent," or that in the Act of Independence," that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable GENT. MAG. June, 1783.

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rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," is founded in truth; and more efpecially, if the whole race of men are created by one God for the fame noble purpofes; and if he will, as we are taught to believe, avenge the injuries of his people;" it appears to your Committee, that the petitioners fpeak but the Divine Will, in requelling that this evil be done away from the land.

That to your Committee it alfo appears, that the faid act is defective, and requires amendments in the following particulars:

I, It does not prohibit the owners of Slaves from felling them from their wives, or their husbands, their parents, or their children, into diftant parts, and even into foreign countries.

2d, It ordains no punithment for those men ftealers, who, by fraud or violence, feize and hurry into diftant countries, and perpetual bondage, Free Negroes and Mulat

toes.

3d, It provides, that Negroes or Mulattoes, who should be born of Slaves, after the paffing of the said act, should be free, on their attaining the age of 28 years; but does not provide again their being fent into neighbouring states, or foreign countries, in order to deprive them of that liberty to which they would be entitled here; nor does it guard against Slaves who are pregnant being feat out of the State till after their delivery, fo that their iffue may be held in flavery during life.

4th, It provides, that all Negro and Mulatto flaves who fhould be brought into this State should be free, with exception among others of fuch as fhould attend their owner when travelling through. or fojourning in it, without being detained here for fix months; but does not fetticiently guard against the citizens of this S ate, or others, fencing their flaves out of the State, fhortly before the end of fix months, and then bringing them back, whereby the faid aft is in a great measure evaded.

To your Committee therefore it appears, that the frequency of thefe and other mifchiefs, contrary to the fpirit of the said act, and the principles on which it is founded," require fome further aid of the aw to check what humanity is too often inadequate to perform.

They therefore, beg leave to offer the following refolution, viz.

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ORIGINAL LETTER from Dr. Mr. URBAN, Philadelphia, April 10.

BEFORE this reaches London, you will perhaps have heard of the ratification of the fœderal government by fix of the United States.

The objections which have been wrged against the fœderal conftitution, from its wanting a bill of rights, have been reafoned and ridiculed out of credit in every state that has adopted it. There can be only two fecurities for liberty in any government, viz. reprefentation and checks. By the firfi, the rights of the people, and by the fecond, the rights of reprefentation, are effectually fe cured. Every part of a free conftitution hangs upon these two points, and these form the two capital features of the propofed conftitution of the United States. Without them, a volume of rights would avail nothing; and with them, a declaration of rights is abfurd and unneceffary; for the PEOPLE, when their liberties are committed to an equal reprefentation, and to a compound legislature (fuch as we obferve in the new government), will always be the fovereigns of their rulers, and hold all their rights in their own hands. To hold them at the mercy of their fervants, is difgraceful to the dignity of freemen. Men, who call for a bill of rights, have not recovered from the habits they acquired under the monarchical government of Great-Britain.

I have the fame opinion with the antifœderalifts of the danger of trusting arbitrary power to any fingle body of men; but no fuch power will be committed to our new rulers. Neither the house of reprefentatives, the fenate, nor the prefident, can perform a An ingle legislative act by themfelves. hundred principles in man will lead them to watch, to check, and to oppofe each other, Should an attempt be made by either of them upon the liberties of the people. If we may judge of their conduct, by what we have fo often obferved in all the ftate governments, the members of the fœderal legiflature will much oftener injure their conftituents by ting agreeably to their inclinations, than against them.

But are we to confider men entrufied with power as the receptacles of all the depravity of human nature? By no means. The people do not part with their full proportions of it. Reafon and revelation both deceive us, if they are all-wife and virtuous. Is not hiflory as full of the vices of the people, as it is of the crimes of the kings? what is the prefent moral character of the citizens of the United States? I need not defcribe it. It proves too plainly, that the people are as much difpofed to vice as their rulers, and that nothing but a vigorous and efficient government can prevent their degenerating into favages, or devouring each other like beasts

of prey.

RUSH of PHILADELPHIA,

A fimple democracy has been very aptly compared, by Mr. Ames of Maffachusetts, to a volcano that contained within its bowels the firey materials of its own destruction. A citizen of one of the Cantons of Switzerland, in the year 1776, refased to drink in my prefence "the commonwealth of Ameri ca" as a toat, and gave, as a reason for it, that a fimple democracy was the Devil's own government,'-The experience of the American ftates under the prefent confederation has in too many inftances juftified thefe two accounts of a fimple popular government.

It would have been a truth, if Mr. Locke had not faid it, that where there is no laro, there can be no liberty; and nothing deserves the name of law but that which is certain and univerfal in its operation upon all the members of the community.

To look up to a government that' eftablifhes juftice, infures order, cherishes virtue, fecures property, and protects from every fpecies of violence, affords a pleasure that can only be exceeded by looking up in all circumstances to an over-ruling Providence. Such a pleasure, I hope, is before us and our potterity, under the influence of the new go

vernment.

The dimenfions of the human mind are apt to be regulated by the extent and objects of the government under which it is formed. Think then, my friend, of the expanfion and dignity the American mind will acquire, by having its powers transferred from the coutracted objects of a flate, to the more unbounded objects of a national government !→→→ A citizen and a legiflator of the free and UNITED STATES of America will be ong of the first characters in the world.

I would not have you fuppofe, after what I have written, that I believe the new government to be without faults. I can fee them, but act in any of the writings or fpeeches of the perfons who are oppofed to it. But who ever faw any thing perfec come from the hands of man? It realifes notwithstanding in a great degree every with I ever entertained in every stage of the revolution for the happiness of my country, for my friends know that I have acquired no new opinions or principles upon the subject of republics, by the forrowful events we have lately witneffed in America. In the year 1776, I loft the confidence of the people of Pennfylvania, by openly expofing the dangers of a fimple democracy, and declaring myfelf an advocate for a government com pofed of three legiflative branches. Yours, &c.

BENJ. RUSH.

There never was a time when the American States had fo much need of a firm fœdera! union among themselves as at present, when the Savages are in combination against them,

The EPISTLE from the YEARLY-MEETING held in LONDON, by adjournments from the 12th of the fifth month, 1788, to the 19th day of the fame inclufive.

To the Quartely and Monthly meetings of friends in GREAT-BRITAIN, IRELAND, and elsewhere.

Dear Friends and Brethren,

N that love which is not fubject to

I change, we wilectionately falute you.

We have abundant caufe to acknowledge the renewal of divine help and counfel to us in this our large annual affembly, through the virtue and influence whereof we have been enabled to attend to weighty concerns which have come before us, in much brotherly love and concord.

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The amount of friends fufferings brought in this year, for tithes, thofe called church rights, and other demands with which we confcientioufly fcruple to comply, *mount, in Great-Britain, te upwards of five thoufand one hundred pounds; and in Ireland, to one thousand five hundred pounds.

By the accounts received from our feveral quarterly-meetings, and by epifiles from Ireland, New-England, New-York, Pennfylvania and New Jerfey, Maryland, Virginia, and North and South Carolina, and Georgia, we have the comfortable intelligence of fresh additions to our religious fociety, by convinced perfons, and in thefe kingdoms more than at fome former periods. For the religious progrefs of thefe we are warmly folicitous, that, by abiding clofely under the forming hand, they may effectually experience an advancement in the weighty work of converfion; which gradually leads the believing and obedient foul into that childlike ftate, which is meet for the kingdom. May thofe who have had the privige of birth-right amongst us be watchful, left, by fwerving from the fimplicity in which truth leads its faithful followers, they become cause of offence to fuch as are thus brought into our religious community! O friends reft not content with having been educated in a profeffion even of the truth itself, but wait to know the power, which regenerates and quickens the foul, and qualifies to fee the things which pertain to the kingdom of God; that power which awakened the fpiritual fenfes of our fore fathers, which disturbed their reft in outward forms, and which caufed them to be diffatisfied with every thing thort of the fubfance of christianity. Let not us, their fucceffors, in the profeffion of the fame living faith, degenerate into formality, taking up our refidence as in the outward court; but let us feek after an entrance into that fpiritual temple, where true prayer

wont

to be made; and humbly and deeply wait for ability to worship the Father of fpirits, in fpirit and in truth, Cherish, we beseech you, the inward manifestations, and the tender impreffions of divine grace, and walk therein : fo fhall you experience prefervation from the defilements and corruptions of the world.

Deplorable hath been the confequence of living above the fimple difcoveries of the pure world of life in the heart, even darknefs, error, and unbelief,

And, dear friends, as we are convinced that pure and fpiritual worship only is acceptable to God; fo we are alfo firmly per fuaded, that the wholefome difcipline eftab lifhed amongst us can only be rightly and effectually exercised in the wifdom and power of the fpirit. Wait therefore in ali your meetings of difcipline for the renewing of divine life, and to be clothed with the fpirit of Chrift; the fruits of which are, meeknefs, long-fuffering, and love unfeigned.

The religious concern of this meeting hath been abundantly manifefted in our epiftolary communications from year to year, in order to excite our brethren in profeffion, to frek after durable riches in righteoufnefs. We therefore earnestly entreat that this confi deration may take place in every mind: What Spiritual advantage have I experienced from thefe labours of the church for the pramation of true piety and felf-denial! It fuch a confideration be attended to, it will not be neceffary to communicate much; nor do we feel our minds under an engagement at this time to enlarge; but we refer to the many profitable and weighty advices in former epiftles. Nevertheless, dear friends, the continuance of covetousness and of earthly mindedness in many, calls upon us to en deavour to awaken fuch as are infected with it to a fenfe of what they are purfuing, and at what price. The great Mafter hath fhewn the unprofitableness of the whole world, compared with one immortal fools and yet many are purfuing a delufive portion of it, at the expence of their fouls interefts. But, were all thus awakened, what place would be found for extentive schemes in trade, and fictitious credit to fupport them? To mix with the fpirit of the world in the purfuit of gain, would then be a fubjeet of dread; and contentment, under the allotment of Providence, the fure means of prefervation.

The increafing folicitude for the fuppref fion of the flave trade, which appears among all ranks of people, is caufe of thankfulness to the common Father of mankind; and encourages us to hope, that the time is ap proaching, when this nation will be cleanfed from that defilement. Let us, in the mean time, continue, with unabating ardour, to be interceffors for the greatly injured Africans.

We conclude with expreffing our comfort, that, notwithstanding the many weaknesses which prevail, numbers of our beloved youth are preferved in faithfulness, to whom the gracious Lord hath extended, and is ~continuing to extend, the visitations of his

light and love; whereby there is reafon to hope, that they will grow up in usefulness, and become a fucceffion of teftimony-bearers to the truth. That they may in all humility receive the faving help, and, by obedience to the pointing of the divine hand, continue fted fast to the end, where the price ineftimable is to be obtained, is the fervent travail of our fpirits.

Signed in and on behalf of the YearlyMeeting by WILLIAM JEPSON,

Clerk to the Meeting this year.

THE following Letter has been feat by the Committee of Retail Shop-keepers to their Contry Correfpondents, with the annexed Refolutions; which compleats the Detail of their public Bufinefs, fince the Difcufhon of the Queftion in the House of Commons, on the 13th of March.

SIR,

THE Committee, appointed by the Retail Shopkeepers of the cities of London and Westminster, the Borough of Southwork, and Parts adjacent, having, in the courfe of their applications to Parliament, received material affittance from the cities, borough, and towns, with whom they have corresponded, think it incumbent on them, at this period, to forward you a copy of their refolutions of the 21st of April laft, when they took into confideration the decifion of the Hon. Houfe of Commons on the motion made for the repeal of the ShopTax. However laborious the duty of the Committee may be, they with not to shrink from it till they are difcharged from their office by the body who conftituted them, or all the justice of the L giflature is awakened to the claims of the Shop-keepers. They again folicit your attention to the funject of the Shop Tax as a public caufe; for, though the Retail Shop-keeper alone has been telected for t e experiment of this new mode of taxation, under the pretext of his being able to make a circuitous reimbursement, it is impoffible to fay who may be the next objects of this Species of oppreffion, or to what lengths it may be extended.

The question refts folely on the unqua. lified affertion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, without producing any evidence (which, did it exift, his high station and authority would give him full poffeflion of), ftates it merely as his opinion, that the Retail Trader is not i jured by this mode of aff ffrent on his property, notwithstanding the united teftimony of all the Traders, of to refpectable a part of the Legiflatur, and of the majority of the nation at borge. The Cominee are fenfible how much the caufe of the Shop-keepers fuffers in a conteft of this kind, from the propensity of the publick to take the fide of power, and from the odium that any oppofition to a meafure which is

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to increase the revenue of the country la bours under; but, while they are conscious of rectitude of intention and a juft' cause, it becomes them not to despair. A period may arrive, when the Minifter of Finance thall think it more for the true intereft and honour of Great Britain to derive its refources from the great articles of confumption, and from taxes upon property, than from oppreffive imports on the precarious profits arising from trade, or ftill more facred fruits of laborious industry.

The Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common-Council, of the city of London, having, in their corporate capacity, come to fome decided refolutions on the nature and tendency of the fhop-tax, the Committee have the honour to tranfmit you a copy of them, and will efteem themselves much indebted for your communications during the prefent eeffation of their parliamentary business. We have the honour to be With great refpe&t,

SIP,

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THE Committee having, at feveral adjourned meetings, taken into confideration the event of the motion, made in the House of Commons on the 13th of March laft, for the REPEAL of the SHOP-TAX;

RESOLVED, That the thanks of this Committee are eminently due to thofe Hon. Members of the Houfe of Commons who have flood forward in fupport of the cause of the shop-keepers, and who have endeavoured, by arguments the most folid and the most convincing, to induce the Chancellor of the Exchequer to abandon a lyftem of taxation, unwife, oppreffive, and unconftitutional.

RESOLVED, That it appears to this Committee, the opinion of the House of Commons is not more unfriendly to the repeal of the Shop-Tax than in the laft Application of the Shop-keepers, the number on both divifions bearing nearly in the fame proportion to each other.

RESOLVED, That the frequent difcoffion of this question has more firmly established the arguments vfed in oppofition to the ShopTax. The evidence and cates which were exhibited in the Houfe of Commons, unop pofed and uncontradicted by any couster

evidence

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