count. motives. He tried to draw others after him, but in vain; not a man followed him. We discovered his motive by an intercepted letter,' which shows it was a bribe of five thousand pounds sterling. This he received in bills of exchange on London, where the money was put into the funds on his acHe lives covered with infamy and despised even by those who expected to be served by his treachery. You will see by a German almanac which I send you herewith, how his effigy was treated at Philadelphia: and since you ask for American newspapers, I will send you some German ones. We have three in that language published weekly at Phila delphia and German Town, by which you may judge that the people with us, who speak it, are very numerous: and now, that England can no longer monopolise the ancient connexions of those people with their mother-country, it will be a means of opening a considerable American trade with Germany, by the north seas and the Mediterranean. Never were wars more unjustly and causelessly begun, than those England is now engaged in with your country2 and mine. If she persists in them she is ruined;-as she deserves to be. These wars were evidently wars of rapine; they had no provocation but the hopes of plunder. I think you used to have a better opinion of the British nation than it deserved. It is extremely corrupted. I am your affectionate friend, B. FRANKLIN, TO HIS EXCELLENCY J. ADAMS, ESQ. [EXTRACT.] letters for you, which I hope got to hand in time. Most heartily 1 See Memoirs of Dr. Franklin, Part iv. 2 Holland. do I congratulate you on the glorious news! The infant Hercules in his cradle has now strangled his second serpent, and gives hopes that his future history will be answerable. I enclose a packet which I have just received from General Washington, and which I suppose contains the articles of capitulation. It is a rare circumstance, and scarce to be met with in history, that in one war two armies should be taken prisoners completely, not a man in either escaping. It is another singular circumstance, that an expedition so complex, formed of armies of different nations, and of land and sea-forces, should with such perfect concord be asseinbled from different places by land and water, form their junction punctually, without the least retard by cross accidents of wind or weather, or interruption from the enemy; and that the army which was their object should in the mean time have the goodness to quit a situation from whence it might have escaped, and place itself in another whence an escape was impossible. General Greene has done wonders too in Carolina. I hear that a reinforcement was to be sent him from the army in Virginia, and that there are hopes of his reducing Charlestown. You have probably in the enclosed packet the account of his last great action. Count de Grasse sailed the 30th with the fleet, and part of the land-forces. His destination is not mentioned. To SIR EDWARD NEWENHAM, BART. IRELAND. Dungannon resolutions-Trade between Ireland and DEAR SIR, America. Passy, Oct. 2, 1783. I have just received your very kind letter of the 16th past. I rejoice sincerely to hear of your safe return to 'The capitulation of Lord Cornwallis's army, your own country, family and friends, and of the success of your election. It is a pleasing reflection arising from the contemplation of our successful struggle, and the manly, spirited, and unanimous resolves at Dungannon, that liberty, which some years since appeared in danger of extinction, is now regaining the ground she had lost, that arbitrary governments are likely to become more mild, and reasonable, and to expire by degrees, giving place to more equitable forms; one of the effects this of the art of printing, which diffuses so general a light, augmenting with the growing day, and of so penetrating a nature, that all the window shutters despotism and priestcraft can oppose to keep it out, prove insufficient. That In answer to your question respecting what may be necessary to fix a trade between Ireland and America, I may acquaint you between ourselves, that there is some truth in the report you may have heard, of our desiring to know of Mr. Hartley whether he was empowered or instructed to include Ireland in the treaty of commerce proposed to us, and of his sending for instructions on that head, which never arrived. treaty is yet open, may possibly be soon resumed, and it seems proper that something should be contained in it to prevent the doubts and misunderstandings that may hereafter arise on the subject, and secure to Ireland the same advantages in trade that England may obtain. You can best judge whether some law or resolution of your parliament may not be of use towards gaining that point. My grandson joins me in wishes of every kind of felicity for you, Lady Newenham, and all your amiable family. God bless you and give success to your constant endeavors for the welfare of your country. With true and great respect and esteem, I have the honor to be, &c. B. FRANKLIN. EXTRACT OF A LETTER TO THE HON. ROBERT MORRIS. (Superintendent of finances, United States.) Remissness to pay taxes in America-The Marquis de la Fayette, &c. Passy, Dec. 25, 1783, "The remissness of our people in paying taxes is highly blameable; the unwillingness to pay them is still more so. I see in some resolutions of town meetings, a remonstrance against giving congress a power to take, as they call it, the people's money out of their pockets, though only to pay the interest and principal of debts duly contracted. They seem to mistake the point. Money justly due from the people is their creditor's money, and no longer the money of the people, who, if they withhold it, should be compelled to pay by some law. All property indeed, except the savage's temporary cabin, his bow, his matchuat, and other little acquisitions absolutely necessary for his subsistence, seems to me to be the creature of public convention. Hence the public has the right of regulating descents, and all other conveyances of property, and even of limiting the quantity and the uses of it. All the property that is necessary to a man for the conservation of the individual and the propagation of the species, is his natural right, which none can justly deprive him of; but all property superfluous to such purposes is the property of the public, who by their laws have created it, and who may therefore by other laws dispose of it whenever the welfare of the public shall desire such disposition. He that does not like civil society on these terms, let him retire and live among savages. He can have no right to the benefits of society who will not pay his club towards the support of it. The Marquis dé la Fayette, who loves to be employed in our affairs, and is often very useful, has lately had several conversations with the ministers and persons concerned in forming new regulations respecting the commerce between our two countries, which are not yet concluded. I thought it therefore well to communicate to him a copy of your letter which contains so many sensible and just observations on that subject. He will make a proper use of them, and perhaps they may have more weight as appearing to come from a Frenchman, than they would have if it were known that they were the observations of an American. I perfectly agree with you in all the sentiments you have expressed on this occasion. I am sorry for the public's sake that you are about to quit your office, but on personal considerations I shall congratulate you. For I cannot conceive of a more happy man, than he who having been long loaded with public cares, finds himself relieved from them, and enjoying private repose in the bosom of his friends and family. With sincere regard and attachment, I am ever, dear sir, yours, &c. B. FRANKLIN. To B. VAUGHAN, ESQ. Reflections on the American treaty with England-making DEAR SIR, England a free port, &c. Passy, March 1784. You mention that I may now see verified all you said about binding down England to so hard a peace. I suppose you do not mean by the American treaty; for we were exceeding favorable in not insisting on the reparations so justly due for the wanton burnings of our fine towns and devastations of our plantations in a war now universally allowed to have been originally unjust. I may add that you |