The good-will of all Europe to our cause, as being the cause of liberty, which is the cause of mankind, still continues, as does the universal wish to see the English pride humiliated, and their power curtailed. Those circumstances are encouraging, and give hopes of a happy issue. Which may God grant, and that you, my friend, may live long a blessing to your country. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN. TO JAMES LOVELL, ESQ. The Marquis de la Fayette-State of affairs in England, DEAR SIR, &c. Passy, March 16, 1780. The Marquis de la Fayette, our firm and constant friend, returning to America, I have written a long letter by him to the president, of which a copy goes by this ship. M. Gerard is since arrived, and I have received the dispatches you mentioned to me, but no letter in answer to mine, a very long one by the Chevalier de la Luzerne, nor any acknowledgment that it came to hand. By the many newspapers and pamphlets I send, you will see the present state of European affairs in general. Ireland continues to insist on complete liberty, and will probably obtain it. The meetings of counties in England, and the committees of correspondence they appoint, alarm a good deal the ministry, especially since it has been proposed to elect of each committee, a few persons to assemble in London, which, if carried into execution, will form a kind of congress, that will have more of the confidence and support of the people than the old parliament. If the nation is not too corrupt, as I rather think it is, some considerable reformation of internal abuses may be expected from this; with regard to us the only advantage to be reasonably expected VOL. I. 2 E from it is a peace, the general bent of the nation being for it. The success of admiral Rodney's fleet against our allies, has a little elated our enemies for the present, and probably they will not now think of proposing it. If the approaching campaign, for which great preparations are making here, should end disadvantageously to them, they will be more treatable, for their debts and taxes are daily becoming more burthensome, while their commerce, the source of their wealth, diminishes; and though they have flattered themselves with obtaining assistance from Russia, and other powers, it does not appear that they are likely to succeed; on the contrary, they are in danger of losing the neutrality of Holland. Their conduct with regard to the exchange of prisoners, has been very unjust. After long suspense and affected delays, for the purpose of wearing out our poor people, they have finally refused to deliver us a man in exchange for those set at liberty by our cruisers on parole. A letter I send enclosed from Captain Mitchel, will show the treatment of the late flags of truce from Boston. There is no gaining any thing upon these barbarians by advances of civility or humanity. Enclosed I send for congress, the justification of this court against the accusation published in the late English memorials. With great esteem, &c. B. FRANKLIN. To M. DUMAS. Confederacy of the neutral powers-Clinton's letter. DEAR SIR, (EXTRACT.) Passy, June 5, 1780. A Dutch ship belonging to Messrs. Little, Dale, and Co. of Rotterdam, being brought into France as having an English cargo on board, I have followed your opinion with regard to the condemnation of the cargo, which I think the more right, as the English have in the West Indies confiscated several of our cargoes found in Dutch ships. But to show respect to the declaration of the empress of Russia, I have written to the owners of our privateers a letter, of which I enclose a copy, together with a copy of the judgment, for your use, if you hear of any complaint. I approve much of the principles of the confederacy of the neutral powers, and am not only for respecting the ships as the house of a friend, though containing the goods of an enemy, but I even wish, for the sake of humanity, that the law of nations may be farther improved, by determining that even in time of war, all those kinds of people who are employed in procuring subsistence for the species, or in exchanging the necessaries or conveniencies of life, which is for the common benefit of mankind; such as husbandmen on their lands, fishermen in their barks, and traders in unarmed vessels, shall be permitted to prosecute their several innocent and useful employments without interruption or molestation, and nothing taken from them, even when wanted by an enemy, but on paying a fair price for the same. I think you have done well to print the letter of Clinton; for though I have myself had suspicions whether some parts of it were really written by him, yet I have no doubt of the facts stated, and think the piece valuable, as giving a true' account of the state of British and American affairs in that quarter. On the whole, it has the appearance of a letter written by a general who did not approve of the expedition he was sent upon,-who had no opinion of the judgment of those who drew up his instructions,-who had observed that preceding commanders, Gage, Burgoyne, Keppel, and the Howes, had all been censured by the ministers for having unsuccessfully attempted to execute injudicious instructions - with unequal force, and he therefore wrote such a letter, not merely to give the information contained in it, but to be produced in his vindication, when he might be recalled, and his want of success charged upon him as a crime; though, in truth, owing to the folly of the ministers who had ordered him on impracticable projects, and persisted in them notwithstanding his faithful informations, without furnishing the necessary number of troops he had demanded. In this view much of the letter may be accounted for, without supposing it fictitious; and therefore if not genuine it is ingeniously written but you will easily conceive, that if the state of public facts it contains were known in America to be false, such a publication there would have been absurd, and of no possible use to the cause of the country. With great esteem, I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN. COPY OF THE JUDGMENT. To MESSRS. THE JUDGES OF THE ADMIRALTY AT GENTLEMEN, CHERBOURG. Passy, May 16, 1780. I have received the procès-verbaux, and other papers you did me the honor to send me, agreeable to the 11th article of the regulation of the 27th September, 1778. These pieces relate to the taking of the ship Flora, whereof was Captain Henry Roodenberg, bound from Rotterdam to Dublin, and arrived at Cherbourg in France, being taken the 7th day of April by Captain Dowlin, commander of the American privateer the Black Prince. It appears to me from the above-mentioned papers, that the said ship Flora is not a good prize, the same belonging to the subjects of a neutral nation: but that the cargo is really the property of the subjects of the king of England, though attempted to be masked as neutral. I do therefore request that after the cargo shall be landed, you would cause the said ship Flora to be immediately restored to her captain, and that you would oblige the captors to pay him his full freight, according to his bills of lading, and also to make good all the damages he may have sustained by plunder or otherwise; and I farther request, that as the cargo is perishable, you would cause it to be sold immediately, and retain the produce deposited in your hands, to the end that if any of the freighters, being subjects of their high mightinesses the states-generals, will declare, upon oath, that certain parts of the said cargo were bona fide shipped on their own account and risk, and not on the account and risk of any British or Irish subjects, the value of such parts may be restored or, that if the freighters, or any of them, should think fit to appeal from this judgment to the congress, the produce so deposited may be disposed of according to their final determination. I have the honor to be, &c. SIR, B. FRANKLIN, Minister Plenipotentiary for the To AN AGENT OF AMERICAN CRUISERS. Passy, May 30, 1780. In my last, of the 27th instant, I omitted one thing I had intended, viz. to desire you would give absolute orders to your cruisers not to bring any more Dutch vessels, though charged with enemies' goods, unless contraband. All the neutral states of Europe seem at present disposed to change what had before been deemed the law of nations; to wit; that' an enemy's property may be taken wherever found; and to establish a rule that free ships shall make free goods. This rule is itself so reasonable, and of a nature to be so be |