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might take their lives and confiscate their estates, are proper means to obtain a bad end: but if they are intended to conciliate the Americans to our government, restore our commerce with them, and secure the friendship and assistance which their growing strength, wealth, and power may in a few years, render extremely valuable to us, can any thing be conceived more injudicious, more absurd? His lordship may have in general a good understanding; his friends say he has; but in the political part of it there must surely be some twist, some extreme obliquity.

A well-wisher to the king and all his dominions.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.

Sir,

Your correspondent Britannicus inveighs violently against Dr. Franklin, for his ingratitude to the ministry of this nation, who have conferred upon him so many favors. They gave him the post-office of America; they made his son a governor; and they offered him a post of five hundred a-year in the salt-office, if he would relinquish the interests of his country; but he has had the wickedness to continue true to it, and is as much an American as ever. As it is a settled point in government here, that every man has his price, it is plain they are bunglers in their business, and have not given him enough. Their master has as much reason to be angry with them, as Rodrigue in the play, with his apothecary, for not effectually poisoning Pandolpho, and they must probably make use of the apothecary's justification, viz.

bis

SCENE IV. RODRIGUE and FELL, the Apothecary. Rodrigue. You promised to have this Pandolpho upon bier in less than a week; 'tis more than a month since, andhe still walks and stares me in the face.

Fell. True; and yet I have done my best endeavors. In various ways I have given the miscreant as much poison as would have killed an elephant. He has swallowed dose after dose ;-far from hurting him, he seems the better for it. He hath a wonderfully strong constitution. I find I cannot kill him but by cutting his throat, and that, as I take it, is not my

business.

Rodrigue. Then it must be mine.

TO THE PRINTER OF THE PUBLIC ADVERTISER.
SIR,

Nothing can equal the present rage of our ministerial writers against our brethren in America, who have the misfortune to be whigs in a reign when whiggism is out of fashion, who are besides protestant dissenters and lovers of liberty. One may easily see from what quarter comes the abuse of those people in the papers; their struggle for their rights is called REBELLION, and the people REBELS; while those who really rebelled in Scotland (1745) for the expulsion of the present reigning family, and the establishment of popery and arbitrary power on the ruins of liberty and protestantism, who entered England, and marched on as far as Derby, to the astonishment of this great city, and shaking the. public credit of the nation; have now all their sins forgiven on account of their modish principles, and are called not rebels, but by the softer appellation of insurgents! These angry writers use their utmost efforts to persuade us that this war with the colonies (for a war it will be) is a national cause, when in fact it is merely a ministerial one. Administration wants an American revenue to dissipate in corruption. The quarrel is about a paltry three-penny duty on tea. There is no real clashing of interests between Britain and America. Their commerce is to their mutual advantage, or rather most

to the advantage of Britain, which finds a vast market in America for its manufactures; and as good pay, I speak from knowledge, as in any country she trades to upon the face of the globe. But the fact needs not my testimony-it speaks for itself-for if we could elsewhere get better pay and better prices, we should not send our goods to America.

The gross calumniators of that people, who want us to imbrue our hands in brothers' blood, have the effrontery to tell the world that the Americans associated in resolutions not to pay us what they owed us unless we repealed the stamp act. This is an INFAMOUS FALSEHOOD: they know it to be such. I call upon the incendiaries who have advanced it to produce their proofs. Let them name any two that entered into such an association, or any one that made such a declaration. Absurdity marks the very face of this lie. Every one acquainted with trade knows, that a credited merchant daring to be concerned in such an association could never expect to be trusted again. His character on the exchange of London would be ruined for ever. The great credit given them since that time, nay the present debt due from them is itself a proof of the confidence we have in their probity. Another villainous falsehood advanced against the Americans is, that though we have been at such expense in protecting them, they refuse to contribute their part to the public general expense of the empire. The fact is, that they never did refuse a requisition of that kind. A writer who calls himself Sagittarius (I suppose from his flinging about, like Solomon's fool, firebrands, arrows, and death) in the Ledger of March 9th, asserts that the " Experiment has been tried, and that they did not think it expedient to return even an answer." How does he prove this? Why, the colony agents were told by Mr. Grenville, that a revenue would be required from them to defray the expenses of their protection."

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But was the requisition ever made? Were circular letters ever sent by his majesty's command from the secretary of state to the several colony governments, according to the established custom, stating the occasion and requiring such supplies as were suitable to their abilities and loyalty? And did they then refuse not only compliance but an answer? No such matter; agents are not the channel through which requisitions are made. If they were told by Mr. Grenville that “a revenue would be required, and yet the colonies made no offer, no grant, nor laid any tax," does it follow they would not have done it if they had been required? Probably they thought it time enough when the requisition should come, and in fact it never appeared there to this day. In the last war they all gave so liberally, that we thought ourselves bound in honor to return them a million. But we are disgusted with their free gifts; we want to have something that is obtained by force, like a mad landlord who should refuse the willing payment of his full rents, and choose to take less by way of robbery.

This shameless writer would cajole the people of England with the fancy of their being kings of America, and that their honor is at stake by the Americans disputing their government. He thrusts us into the throne cheek-by-jole with majesty, and would have us talk as he writes, of our subjects in America, and our sovereignty over America: forgetting that the Americans are subjects of the king, not our subjects, but our fellow-subjects; and that they have parliaments of their own, with the right of granting their own money by their own representatives, which we cannot deprive them of but by violence and injustice.

Having, by a series of iniquitous and irritating measures, provoked a loyal people almost to desperation, we now magnify every act of an American mob into REBELLION, though the government there disapprove it and order prosecution, as

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is now the case with regard to the tea destroyed.—And we talk of nothing but troops and fleets, and force, of blocking up ports, destroying fisheries, abolishing charters, &c. &c. Here mobs of English sawyers can burn saw-mills; mobs of English laborers destroy or plunder magazines of corn; mobs of English coal-heavers attack houses with fire-arms; English smugglers can fight regularly the king's cruising vessels, drive them ashore and burn them, as lately on the coast of Wales, and on the coast of Cornwall; but upon these accounts we hear no talk of England's being in rebellion; no threats of taking away its Magna Charta, or repealing its Bill of Rights: for we well know that the operations of a mob are often unexpected, sudden and soon over, so that the civil power can seldom prevent or suppress them, not being able to come in before they have dispersed themselves: and therefore it is not always accountable for their mischiefs.

Surely the great commerce of this nation with the Americans is of too much importance to be risked in a quarrel which has no foundation but ministerial pique and obstinacy!

To us in the way of trade comes now, and has long come, all the super-lucration arising from their labors. But will our reviling them as cheats, hypocrites, scoundrels, traitors, cowards, tyrants, &c. &c. according to the present court. mode in all our papers, make them more our friends, more fond of our merchandise? Did ever any tradesman succeed who attempted to drub customers into his shop? And will honest JOHN BULL the farmer, be long satisfied with servants that before his face attempt to kill his plough horses? (Signed) A LONDONER.'

This and the preceding papers, addressed to the Printer of the Public Advertiser, were undoubtedly written by Dr. Franklin, about the time of his departure from England; though their precise dates have not been ascertained.

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