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seasonably, and may be of public utility. I accompanied them with no restriction relating to myself; my duty to the province as their agent, I thought required the communication of them, as far as [ could: I was sensible I should make enemies there, and perhaps might offend government here; but those apprehensions 1 disregarded. 1 did not expect, that my sending them could be kept a secret: but since it is such hitherto, I now wish it may continue so, because the publication of the letters contrary to my engagement, has changed the circumstances. If they serve to diminish the influence and demolish the power of the parties whose correspondence has been, and probably would have continued to be, so mischievous to the interest and rights, of the province, 1 shall on that account be more easy under any inconveniences I may suffer either here or there; and shall bear as well as 1 can the imputation of not having taken sufficient care to insure the performance of my promise.
I think government can hardly expect to draw any future service from such instruments, and one would suppose they must soon be dismissed. We shall see.
I hope to be favored with a continuance of your correspondence and intelligence, while I stay here, it is highly useful to me, and will be as it always has been pleasing everywhere.
I am ever, dear sir, your obliged and most obedient humble servant, B. Franklin.
To The Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq.
Address of Massachusetts for the removal of their governor and lieut. governor. Sir, London, Aug. 24,1773.
I received duly your several-favors of June 25, 26, and 30, with the papers enclosed. My Lord Dartmouth being at his country-seat in Staffordshire, 1 transmitted to him the address for the removal of the governor and lieutenant governor; and Mr. Bollan and I jointly transmitted the letter to his lordship from both houses. I delivered to Mr. Bollan one set of the authenticated copies of the letters, and we shall co-operate in the business we are charged with.
I am told that the governor has requested leave to come home; that some great persons about the court do not think the letters, now they have seen them, a sufficient foundation for the resolves; that therefore it is not likely he will be removed, but suffered to resign, and that some provision will be made for him here. But nothing I apprehend is likely to be done soon, as most of the great officers of state who composed the privy council, are in the country, and likely to continue till the present parliament meets, and perhaps the above may be chiefly conjecture.
I have informed Mr. Lee, that in case there should be an hearing, I was directed to engage him as council for the province; that though I had received no money I would advance what might be necessary; those hearings by council being expensive.
I purpose writing to you again by the packet, and am with the greatest respect, sir, your most obedient humble servant,
P. S. No determination is yet public on the case of Mr. Lewis against Governor Wentworth, which has been a very costly hearing to both sides.
To Governor Franklin.
Resolutions of the New England townships—Project to form an union with Ireland—Hutchinson's letters.
Dear Son, London, Sept. 1,1773.
I have now before me yours of July 5 and 6. The August packet is not yet arrived.
Dr. Cooper of New York's opinion of the author of the sermon, however honorable to me, is injurious to the good bishop; and therefore I must say in justice and trulh, that I knew nothing of his intention to preach on the subject, and saw not a word of the sermon till it was printed. Possibly some preceding conversation between us may have turned his thoughts that way; but if so, that is all.
I think the resolutions of the New England townships must have the effect they seem intended for; viz. to show that the discontents were really general, and their sentiments concerning their rights unanimous, and not the fiction of a few demagogues, as their governors used to represent them here: and therefore not useless, though they should not as yet induce government to acknowledge their claims. That people may probably think it sufficient for the present to assert and hold forth their rights, secure that sooner or later they must be admitted and acknowledged. The declaratory law here, had too its use, viz. to prevent or lessen at least a clamor against the ministry that repealed the stamp act, as if they' had given up the right of this country to govern America. Other use indeed it could have none; and I remember Lord Mansfield told the lords, when upon that bill, that it was nugatory. To be sure, in a dispute between two parties about rights, the declaration of one party can never be supposed to bind the other.
It is said there is now a project on foot to form an union with Ireland, and that Lord Harcourt is to propose it at the next meeting of the Irish parliament. The eastern side of Ireland are averse to it; supposing that when Dublin is no longer the seat of their government it will decline, the harbor being but indifferent, and that the western and southern ports will rise and florist] on its ruins, being good in themselves and much better situated for commerce. For these same reasons, the western and southern people are inclined to the measure, and it is thought it may be carried. But these are difficult affairs, and usually take longer time than the projectors imagine. Mr. Crowley, the author of several proposals for uniting the colonies with the mother-country, and who runs about much among the ministers, tells me the union of Ireland is only the first step towards a general union. He is for having it done by the parliament of England without consulting the colonies; and he will warrant, he says, that if the terms proposed are equitable, they will all come in one after the other. He seems rather a little cracked upon the subject.
It is said here that the famous Boston 1 letters were sent chiefly, if not all, to the late Mr. Whately. They fell into my hands, and I thought it my duty to give some principal people there a sight of them, very much with thi» view, that when they saw the measures they complained of took their rise, in a great degree, from the representations and recommendations of their own countrymen, their resentment against Britain on account of those measures might abate, as mine had done, and a reconciliation be more easily obtained. In Boston they concealed who sent them, the better to couceal who received and communicated them. And perhaps it is as
well that it should continue a secret. Being of that'country myself, I think those letters more heinous than you seem to think them; but you had not read them all, nor perhaps the council's remarks on them. 1 have written to decline their agency on account of my return to America. Dr. Lee succeeds me. I only keep it while I stay, which perhaps will be another winter.
I grieve to bear of the death of my good old friend Dr. Evans. 1 have lost so many, since I left America, that I begin to fear I shall find myself a stranger among strangers when I return. If so, I must come again to my friends in England. 1 am ever your affectionate father,
To The Hon. Thomas Cushing, Esq.
Project to avoid repealing the American tea duty—Pretended Prussian edict.
Sir> London, Sept. 12, 1773.
The above is a copy of my last per packet. Enclosed is the original letter therein mentioned. His lordship continues in the country, but is expected (Secretary Pownall tells me) the beginning of next month.
To avoid repealing the American tea duty, and yet find a vent for tea, a project is executing to send it from this country on account of the East India Company, to be sold in America, agreeable to a late act impowering the lords of the treasury to grant licences to the company to export tea thither, under certain restrictions, duty-free. - Some friends of government, (as they are called) of Boston, New York, Philadelphia, &.c. are to be favored with the commission, who undertake by their interest to carry the measure through in the colonies. How the other merchants thus excluded