Omitting the speech of M. Gerard, the following was the answer of the President on the occasion.

"Sir-The treaties between his Most Christian Majesty and the United States of America, so fully demonstrate his wisdom and magnanimity as to command the reverence of all nations. The virtuous citizens of America, in particular, can never forget his beneficent attention to their violated rights, nor cease to acknowledge the hand of a gracious Providence in raising them up so pow. erful and illustrious a friend. It is the hope and opinion of Congress, that the confidence his Majesty reposes in the firmness of these States will receive additional strength from every day's experience. This assembly are convinced, sir, that if it had rested solely with the Most Christian King, not only the independence of these States would have been universally acknowledged, but their tranquillity fully established. We lament that lust of domination which gave birth to the present war, and hath prolonged and extended the miseries of mankind. We ardently wish to sheathe the sword and spare the further effusion of blood; but we are determined by every means in our power to fulfil those eventual engagements, which have acquired positive and permanent force from the hostile designs and measures of the common enemy. Congress have reason to believe that the assistance so wisely and generously sent, will bring Great Britain to a sense of justice and moderation, promote the common interests of France and America, and secure peace and tranquillity on the most firm and honourable foundation. Neither can it be doubted that those who administer the powers of government within the several States of this Union, will cement that connection with the subjects of France, the beneficial effects of which have already been so sensibly felt. Sir, from the experience we have had of your exertions to promote the true interests of our country, as well as your own, it is with the highest satisfaction Congress receives as the first Minister from his Most Christian Majesty, a gentleman whose past conduct affords a happy presage that he will merit the confidence of this body, the friendship of its members, and the esteem of the citizens of America."

Dr. Franklin having been elected Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of France, his letter of credence was agreed to by

Congress on the 21st October '78. Dr. Franklin was the first Minister Plenipotentiary to a foreign court, appointed by this country. In September '79, Mons. Gerard had a private audience of Congress in order to take leave. He was succeeded by the Chevalier de La Luzerne. The Chevalier de La Luzerne took leave of Congress in April '84, and was succeeded by M. de Marbois as Charge d' Affaires. In January '84, Dr. Franklin obtained permission of Congress to return to this country, after having made repeated applications for this indulgence. Dr. Franklin had the uncommon honour and good fortune of taking a principal part in forming the two most important treaties made by America ;-the Treaty of Alliance and Commerce with France, and the first treaty with England, in which the mother country acknowledged the independence of these United States. His name stands on both these instruments. His long residence in France, it is well known, was very agreeable to the French court, though we have never been able to ascertain the grounds of a remark, often made, that this arrangement was effected by the intrigues of M. de Vergennes, who found Dr. Franklin more obsequious than either of his colleagues. Dr. Franklin was named Envoy at the court of Versailles with uncommon propriety. He was the oldest Commissioner in Europe, advanced in life, and on account of his great celebrity in philosophy, he undoubtedly possessed very considerable influence. No man did more in Europe for this country. He was employed to much more advantage abroad, than he could have been at home, for he possessed talents, manners, and address, exceedingly suitable to his station and the affairs in which he was engaged.

In March '85, Mr. Jefferson was chosen Minister Plenipotentiary to succeed Dr. Franklin at the court of Versailles, Mr. Jefferson had been engaged in a great deal of important. business at home; but before this period, he had not been employed abroad, though elected to the commission for the peace with England.

CHAPTER III.

CONVENTION OF 1800 WITH FRANCE.

Jefferson elected again to France-De la Luzerne is succeeded by de Moustier-Morris succeeds Jefferson and Ternan de MoustierFrench Revolution embarrassing to Government-Perplexing question whether a Minister should be received from the French Republic -Mr. Genet-Death of the King-Less enthusiasm for the Revolu tion-Very difficult Negotiation with Genet-His demands examined ---Munroe goes to France-Government solicit the recal of Genet→→→ —Dismissed—Is succeeded by Fauchet-More temperate-Adet succeeds Fauchet-Outrage on Fauchet-France extremely dissatisfied with state of things-Jay's treaty-Pinckney succeeds Munroe-Not received by the Directory-Ordered to leave France--Extraordinary proceeding-Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry appointed--Not received, though cards of hospitality sent them-W. Y. Z.-Talleyrand proposes to treat with one Commissioner only-RejectedPinckney and Marshall leave France-Gerry remains-Hostilities -Talleyrand brings on, by means of Pichon, another NegotiationEllsworth, Murray, and Davie appointed to France-Properly received-First Consul-Convention-Bonaparte desirous of Peace.

IN October '87, Mr. Jefferson was again elected minister to France for three years.

M. de La Luzerne, having obtained from his court permission to return, the Count de Moustier was appointed by His

Christian Majesty to succeed him. The latter gentleman arrived in America in '88, and had the usual audience with Congress in February of the same year. M. de Moustier* was the last envoy sent by Louis XVI. to this country, and the first French minister recognized by the Federal Government. He remained till 1790. Gouverneur Morris of NewJersey succeeded Mr. Jefferson in the early part of the year '92, and Colonel Ternant, the Count de Moustier, both as Ministers Plenipotentiary.

The Federal Government, just after its organization, was embarrassed by a very difficult and perplexing negotiation. America had scarcely achieved its own independence when a revolution began in France. A very strong and universal sympathy was immediately awakened in the people of the United States. The great æras of that revolution were celebrated in this country by civic feasts, where the red cap of liberty was passed from head to head,-the well-known airs of Ca ira, Les Marseillais and La Carmagnole were sung in the theatres, streets, and on public occasions-the tri-coloured cockade was worn by most of the citizens—the "taking of the Bastille," the "declaration of the rights of man," and "the citizen," the "abolition of feudal rights" and of "honorary distinctions," the "confederation of the French,"-were commemorated with the roasting of oxen, and other tokens of joy. In the language of the day, the American people were disposed to "fraternize" with the French nation. At the moment of the greatest exaltation and most heated state of the public mind, a war broke out between France and England; and though actual hostilities were first committed by the French, the conduct of Great Britain was viewed with deep sensibility and almost general indignation in America.

* M. de Moustier was still living in 1820, near Versailles. He has been conspicuous for his attachment to the royal family. In 1792 he left France, and did not return till 1814.

We find this name in the Moniteur (A. 1. No. 66) written, Ternant.

In the course of this business there arose a question of unusual delicacy and difficulty: not only whether a minister should be received at all from the French Republic, but whether he should be received unconditionally. It was the first time these questions had been submitted to the consideration of the administration, and they were now presented under circumstances of peculiar embarrassment. The government was, itself, hardly established, before it was under the necessity of deciding upon the claims of a new state, erected from the ruins of one of the most powerful nations of Europe. No one doubted but that the ancient government of the Bourbons was for the moment overthrown in Francethe king was in the Temple, a state prisoner, the noblesse and clergy had emigrated, the army was disorganized and succeeded by the national guard, the Austrians and Prussians had either been expelled, or had retired beyond the Rhine, and the National Convention, having met in September 1792, decreed the abolition of royalty and the foundation of the Republic. It was quite obvious, that the progress of the Revolution had been regular and systematic. The crimes and bloody deeds of that period do not admit of defence, but they were susceptible, at the time, of an explanation. No great and sudden changes in a highly civilized condition of society take place without violence; and when every sort of government, every description of police or authority was obliterated, atrocities could not excite much astonishment in a city of the size of Paris, already too well known in history by one of the bloodiest transactions of which we have any record. The death of the King, whatever feelings of horror and indignation it might awaken, was considered by many as a political event; even indeed by those eminent men, whose proceedings in the Old Jewry have only been rescued, by the eloquence of Mr. Burke, from that common and vast grave, into which the numberless writings and dissertations on the French Revolution have fallen. It was one more sacrifice, as Louis often said himself, to the Revolution. Every step, bloody as